Documents detailing Paul Manafort’s work in Ukraine (Part 2 of 3)

Paul Manafort is arguing the details of work he did in Ukraine have no bearing on the bank and tax fraud charges he faces in federal court in Virginia. Paul Manafort called Ukrainian election ‘most satisfying’ campaign of career

Exhibit EE


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Pre-Prog ram:

[2:30 pm.
1:00 pm.

i:4S am.

[:50 pm.

[:50 p.m.

Program:
2:00 pm.

2:02 pm.

2:03 pm.

2:04 p.111.

2:06 pm.

2:07 pm.

07.394067001pr

Party of Regions
Party Congress
Kiev, Ukraine

December 3rd, 2005

Band in Plaza begins playing
Bands in Sports Palace Hallway begin playing

Cue video slide no.1 {full screen ?ash logo)
Cue Walk-1n Music

THE LEADER arrives Sports
THE LEADER is escorted to offstage announce area
Met by: TBD

Bobby Peede

Speakers arrive Sports palace
Met by: TBD

Off Stage introduction of Anchor (TED)
Video cue (Wallpaper)
Lighting cue (TED)

Anchor makes brief remarks and Introduces Kushnerov

Cue Walk-1n music

Cue follow spot

Video cue (TBDJ

Kushnerov enters stage leii Front raised walkway

Kusitnerov makes remarks

Kuslmerov intros speaker two
Kushnemv stay on stage
Speaker two enters stage left
Lighting (TED)

Video (TED)

Speaker two makes remarks

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Lighting cue
Video cue (TBD)

2:09 pan. Speaker two concludes remarks
Speaker two stays on stage
Kushnerov returns to podium and introduces sneaker three
Speaker three enters stage 1th
Lighting cue
Video cue (TED)

22 I pm. Speaker three makes remarks
Lighting cue (TBD)
Video cue (TED)

2: 3 pm. Speaker three concludes remarks

Speaker three joins speaker two on stage

Kushnerov returns to podium and introduces speaker four
Speaker Four enters stage left

Lighting cue (TED)

Video cue (TED)

2:14 pm. Speaker four makes remarks
Lighting cue (TBD)
Video cue (TBD)

2: to pro. Speaker four concludes remarks
Speaker four introduces THE LEADER
Lighting cue (TBD)
Video cue (TBD)
THE LEADER enter stage left
LEADER works ?rope-line? on the way to the stage
THE LEADER greets speakersfpause for photo
Party Anthem
Kushnerov and three speakers depart stage
Lighting cuc
Pyro cue (TED)
Streamer cannons cue (TED)
Video cue (Ukrainian Flag)

2:20 p.n1. THE LEADER makes remarks
Lighting cue (TED)
Video cue (Wallpaper)

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2:30 pm. THE LEADER concludes remarks
Pauses for applause
. Departs stage via from raised walkway
Main screen rises
Greets in VIP Seating area
Seated in VIP Seating area

2:34 pm. Off-stage announce re-introduces Anchor on stage
Anchor returns to podium
Introduces entertainment
Light cue
Video cue (no video)

2:35 pm. Entertainment begins program
Lighting cue (TBD)

3:25 pm. Miners take stage and sing to THE LEADER

3:30 pm. Off stage announce re-introduces Anchor
Anchor returns to podium
Anchor introduces THE LEADER
THE LEADER returns to stage
Lighting cue (TED)

Pyro cue (TED)
. 3:33 pm. THE LEADER makes ?nal remarks
THE LEADER invites on stage For Victory Photo

Following Victory Photo THE LEADER departs stage via raised
walkway, works rope Iine.

Music cue (TBD)

Lighting cue (TBD)

Pyro Cue

3:40 pm. Program ends

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Claymore? 393%
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About Vietnr'Vamrkovich

Dear Friends,

I have very responsible, but still very pleasant mission to proclaim the fact, which no one ever
. doubted. but without which we can not regard the 2006 election campaign ot?our party as
officially starting one.

It is certainly joyful for us to state that our Party will be led to the nest elections and to
signi?cant victories, that will be followed by dif?cult laborious work and great responsibility fer
the fate of the Ukrainian state, by our Leader, the Person with the name of whom the Ukrainian
nation ties its hopes for peace, prosperity and stable development The electoral list of the Party
of Regions will he headed by Victor Fyodorovich Yanukovich.

For all of us this choice is unequivocal, but is dictated not by some PR developments on arti?cial
creation of am image, but by the whole complicated and outstanding way of struggle, self~
fomiation and great achievements of this person, who by all of his previous life has proven the
right to become not only the party, but the national leader. 1Victor Yanukovich had to go through
the hardest school of real life. Having grown up in harsh environment, Victor Fedorovich went
through the bitter taste ot?orphanhood, misery, injustice, but has not broken himself, having been
able to independently form himself as a wholesome and outstanding personality. The fate has
never given him easy victories, but rather offered him a difficult, thorny way, that only few
individuals are able of going through. And only thanks to such challenges and his personal
staunchness, perseverance, wisdom and braveness at this intermediary stage of his life he became
a real leader, an outstanding statesman, a wise and responsible politician. And he also became a
kind friend and a teacher for us all, who were lucky to be his brodiers-invarms and party
comrades.

Understanding of premacy of not words, but outstanding and good deeds, not hypocritical
complaints about the fate of abstract ?ordinary Ukrainians", but the ability to evaluate the honor,
see and understand the issues of each citizen of Ukraine made him a real responsible leader.
Achievements ol'the government of Yanukovich in the development of Ukrainian economy and.
as a result, in the social sphere, can not be doubted even by his worst opponents.

it seemed like the fate itselfgave Ukraine Yanukovich the President, who could for the ?rst time
in our new history provide us with a happy, peaceful and stable development of the country. But,
when the intrigues of the power-that-be and the new opposition who used to he favorites of the
same power put a cruel choice in front ofhim: the president?s office at the price of human blood
or refusal from the gained victory, he chose a higher principle of humanism. This was the biggest
and the most convincing moral victory ofVictor Yanukovich.

Maybe the Divine Intent has determined that we live this fatal year of restoration of Kuehma
regime, disregard of human lives and economic devastation, in order to make our party and its
Leader more mature and responsible in their actions, and in order to make the people of Ukraine
get rid of the orange illusion and make a conscious choice of a better fate.

At the end, I can not help but say a few words about a topic very important for me as a son of

?v'yacheslav Chomovil. Differently from small-scale politicians, who falsified and discredited the

political heritage of Vyacheslav Chomovil. Victor Yanukovich, never boasting of the fact, but in
. general terms and in numerous details has continued his cause.

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I congratulate you that our Party team is going to the next most important with its
unanimous Ieader at the head. The Parly is running, in order to Win and to work hard for the
bene?t oflhe whole nation of Ukraine.

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gag?M

Party of Regions Stump Speech

. Key Elements

- As I travel around the country and hear from my fellow citizens all over our great
nation, I hear the same thing everywhere I go our government has Failed us the
Orange revolution was a ?hoax."

I Yushchenko, Poroshenko they sold us a bill of goods. They
promised to change government and make it work for people to make our lives
better to bring us jobs, to provide the social services that we need, to provide
housing, to stabilize prices, and to give us wages and pensions that will allow us to
live and raise our families.

0 But every day I hear the same thing From the people I meet not only have
Yushchenko and Tymoshenko n_o_t dealt with these problems but they have made
them worse 5

0 Fewer people havejobs today and more and more of our neighbors and fellow
citizens throughout our country suffer in poverty. Prices go up and up, and wages for
those who are lucky enough to have a job do not provide for their needs. and men and
women have no way to buy even the basic things they need to provide for their

Families.
I And the situation is even worse for our senior citizens and pensioners. Pensions
. are dwindling and brave citizens who have worked their whole lives for the

?dream" of'a prosperous and thriving Ukraine are forced to live in abject poverty
because ofthe arrogance and ?greed? ofthose in power.

0 And, when the hue and cry from the people became so great that Yushchenko and
Tymoshenko were forced to respond, what do the do they give Us price caps
That?s right price caps. All this has done has been to make the basic necessities
you and I need own more expensive to put them even further from our grasp.

?grieve? for my you, your family members, and other every day

people who. through no fault ofyour own, face untold dif?culties each and every day
just to make ends meet.

I This is n_ot the Ukraine we dreamed it is n_ot the Ukraine that Yushchenko and
Tymoshenko promised us and it is most certainly 391 the Ukraine we deserve

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In Those tn power have wasted the opportunity to bring Ukraine to greatness and
. provide it?s citizens with the lives and opportunities they deserve. Yushchenko,
Tymoshenko. and the rest of their ?cronies" they have proven to us that a? they
care about is increasing their own personal fortunes expanding their own political
power and ?ghting with each other in petty squabbies that have nothing to do with
improving the living situation for average citizens.

It Yushchenko was right to dismiss the government it was the right thing to do. But,
it does not absolve hirn ofhis responsibility for his failures. Yushchenko and
Tymoshenko should be ashamed of what they have done to the people ofthe Ukraine.
and should be even more ashamed of what they have to do.

0 You know it in your mind and in your heart more deeply than my words can
describe. Yushchenko and Tymoshenko have you they have failed your
children they have t?ai? your parents and they have squandered the chance to
make our lives better they have failed the Ukraine

- They should be ashamed that they have put their own "petty" interests ahead of
rescuing the great people ofthis country frOm the poverty, unemployment, and
miserable standard ofliving that they force us to bear.

a While our recent past has been a grim tale ofgrced and lack ofcompassion, am
proud to say that our future provides us opportunity. That is right, hold the key
. to your future in your own hand.

a In March. the citizens ofthe Ukraine have the opportunity to make your voices heard
to tell Yushchenko to tell Tymoshenko and to tell the rest ofthe sel?sh who
have held power that it is time for a change.

I With your vote you can tell those in power that you will no longer stand idly by
while ourjobs disappear while our pensions shrink to nothing prices for
food and other basic necessities skyrocket out ofreach and while our government
does nothing concerned only about themselves.

I With your vote you can make the Party ofthe Regions the voice for the people
you can make us your voice. And, make no mistake, we will be your voice.

0 With a majority in Parliament, the Party ofthe Regions will fo? the government to
focus all it?s energy, all ofits resources, and all of commitment to one thing making
sure that you and your family can afford to live that you have a place to live
that you have ajob that you can afford to buy the necessities oflife and that
you can provide for your children so they have a bright future.

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I "This is what the people ofthe Ukraine need this is what they deserve and this
. is what the Party ofthe Regions will accomplish. Our platform is not a complicated
one we don't attempt to ?bedazzle? our fellow citizens with lofty promises or
grand ?schemes."

I We are Yushehenko or Tymoshenko we do not promise things we know we
can?t deliver or pretend to care about problems that we have no intention of dealing
with. This is the government we have not the government we need.

I The goals ofa Party ot?the Regions parliament are simple, and they are
straightforward:

- stabilize prices so people can afford the things they need
- reduce unemployment and give people good-payingjobs
- give people a proper wage and a proper pension

- a Party of the Regions parliament will not rest while a single
one ofour fellow citizens must suffer in poverty,

I We have speci?c proposals and ideas that have been proven to work that we will
discuss during the campaign all we ask is that you listen and then decide for
yourself. I am con?dent that we will earn your trust and your support.

I One thing that I do wish to make clear from the outset is that our success depends on
repairing and strengthening our relations with Russia. The ?anti-Russia" policies of
Tymoshenko and Yushehenko have us a_l ol'us, and we cannot strengthen
our economy without greater co-operation and mutual relations with Russia. Those
in power have proven this for us no further evidence is necessary.

I A Party ofthe Regions parliament will re-establish a ?special" relationship with
Russia that will be ofgreat bene?t to both ofour great countries.

I No, some will criticize us forthis and those in povt'er already have they will
bellow that our views are ?anti-Ukraine" and that we care little for our own country.

I You and I both know this is not true that this is nonsense. i ?rst and always am
proud Ukrainian. There is nothing I care about more deeply than a thriving,
prosperous, and independent Ukraine with a rule ot?law that Serves our citizens.

I To have this to realize our dream for the full potential ul'our great nation, we need
to work with those who can help to join in partnerships with those who can aid or
assist us in reaching our goals.

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II Rosetta can be our friend - .. can by our ally and can be a partner not a superior
. entity but a partner. A Party ofthe Regions Parliament will work to make this
happen.

- One important steo in this direction would be to recognize the important role that
Russian (nationalsfethnics) play in the fabric of our Ukrainian citizenry by making
Russian the second ?official" language ofthe Ukraine. Many countries have more
than one of?cial language, and it serves to strengthen and de?ne a national identity
for that country that is unique and unassailable. We must do this in the Ukraine so
that we can build a future in which a_l Ukrainians share in the prosperity and strength
that you and i can build together.

0 This is who we are and this is what we believe we hide nothing we don?t
?shade" or?hedge" we tell you what we believe and what we would ?ght for and
we ask you decide for yourself.

- if you believe that you are better that things in the Ukraine are getting better,
that our economy is thriving .. . then the Party ot'the Regions is not for you. But if
you believe, as we do, that Yushehenko. Tymoshenko, and those in power have
failed you that they have put their own interests ahead ol'yours and that they
have failed do that which we all know needs to be done to make our lives better .
then we ask you to join us.

. I A Party ofthe Regions parliament give you batik your voice in government. We
put all ofour commitment behind policies and programs that will give you a
level of ?nancial safety so that you can provide for your family. And . we
force government to stop thinking about themselves, and 31th thinking about helping
people.

- We don?t have the Ukraine we deserve, but with your help, with your partnership
together we can build the Ukraine we have all dreamed ofl'or so many years.

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OUTLINE FOR SPEECH
. Welcome to our Party Congress.

As we gather today, we can see the challenges we face as a nation. But we can also see.
gathered in this hall, the way to solve our problems. The Party of Regions has been
tested, and we are ready to meet the great challenges that Ukraine faces today.

We are united not just in our political ideology, but in our love of country. Our nation is
ready to take its place among the great nations ofthe world. But to do so, we must start
anew, and change the course that Ukraine will travel in the years ahead.

This Party Congress represents a new for Ukraine and for the Party of
Regions.

We have a starting with the Parliamentary Elections in March to change the
road that Ukraine will travel in the years ahead.

Today, we come together to say to all Ukraine and to the world that the Party of Regions
is ready to lead Ukraine dov-m the right to a better future. and we are ready to lead
us there today.

History'will be the judge ol?what we did in power, and what others have done. And the
verdict of history will not be kind to those who have failed to lead Ukraine to a better
place this past year.

Everywhere I go from to i hear the same complaint and our people
say that our government has failed us.

Just look at what Leaders ofthe Orange Revolution said. and then look at what they did.
They said they would change our government and make it work again for the people.
Instead, they have given us one ofthe most irresponsible governments the modern world

has seen, a government of bickering, ofscandal and oliresignat'ions and policy reversals.

They said they would bring as ?ve million jobs by accelerating an economy that was
already growing at a record pace. Instead we have lostjobs, and millions are losing hope.

The President and the Prime Minister promised to control prices and increase wages. And
what has happened? Prices rose through the roofand wages have fallen through the floor.

Not only have they failed to deal with these and other problems, their failed leadership
has actually made the problems worsebetter?

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I tell you when the people retum the Party of Regions to Ukraine will
do better. We will improve your life today and in the future.

This government has two fundamental the wrong people are running it, and
they are pursuing the wrong policies.

Just look at their approach to skyrocketing prices. At ?rst Yushchenko and Tymoshenko
stood by and did nothing. until the cries from the people became so loud that they could
no longer ignore them. When they ?nally were forced to respond. the wrong people in
government choose the wrong policy to deal with the problem. They chose price caps,
which have only made the problem worse. The cost at basic necessities has risen, and
now the cost of living is sliding Further and further from the grasp of'more and more of
Ukraine?s people.

They promised hope. They promised jobs. They promised an Orange where
Ukraine would ?ourish and all would be well. But their revolution was a carried
out for the cameras and not for the people.

This is not the Ukraine we dreamed of. This is not the Ukraine that all olour people
deserve.

Ukraine deserves a government as good as its people. And that is the government that the
Party ol? Regions will give and let me tell you how we will do it.

we will change the people at the helm ofthe government. Yushchenko and

. Tymoshenko and the cronies they have placed in power care only about themselves and
their friends not about our people and our future. They have spent their time in
government focused on a single how to increase their own and their families
personal fortune.

We have assembled a team who will put the people ?rst. and who will not spend their
days scheming to advance themselves at the public expense.

Second, we will change the policies that this government has pursued. so that Ukraine
again can pursue the path ofprogress.

Today, I want to talk with you about those policies, and share with you our plans to bring
change and reform Ukraine.

The biggest challenge that we face today is in our economy.

Early next year we will unveil the most comprehensive economic plan in Ukraineis
history. in that plan we will present to all of our country and for all over the World to soc
how we intend to get back to the time when our economy was growing by over 12% a
year. That was the time when we last managed this economy.

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Our economic plan has three fundamental goals:

. I To stabilize prices so people can afford the things they need:
It To reduce unemployment and give people good paying jobs:
Ir And to give people a proper wage and proper pension.

The Party of Regions in Parliament will not rest while a single one of our fellow citizens
suffers in poverty. We will not let the current government continue to destroy the
economy that we worked so hard to build.

To make our economic plan work in the real world, Ukraine must take advantage of our
unique place in both geography and history.

The Tymoshenkoi?t?ushchenko government has done its best to burn the bridges with
Russia. and the anti-Russian policies of?both Tymoshenko and Yoshchenko have hurt us
all. Ukraine must build bridges to Russia and to the West. We are uniquely and
powerfully situated to have a special relationship with Russia. and a strong relationship
with the West as well. But we can not do that ifwe have leaders who believe that Russia
is not our friend and that only through alliance with Europe can we achieve proSperity
and progress.

Our opponents believe that to open a road to Europe. we must close the road to Russia.
Nothing could be further from the truth. And nothing can be more hurtl?ul to Ukraine?s
short and long term economic well being.

. in power, we will build bridges to our cast and to our west. And recognizing the great
potential For economic growth that a special relationship with Russia will provide, we
will work to make Russian the second of?cial language of Ukraine.

Many countries around the world have more than one of?cial language. In case after
case, this reality serves to strengthen and de?ne a national identity For those countries.
Russian as the second of?cial language oFUkraine is one way we will build new bridges
to our Friends and neighbors. It is one way we will create new jobs and recognize the
unique role that Ukrainians of Russian origin play in the fabric ofotir society.

And we will strive to change other policies as well. Today our are being over
taxed and under served by Ukraine?s government. in power, we will light for a new tax
policy that decreases taxes collected on wages and halts the arbitrary activities of?tax
collectors.

And we will put a cap on something that will work for people in the real world - not a
disastrous cap on prices which skewers the market and results in higher prices for all, but
a cap on taxes, which will lower the general percentage oftaxes collected by tying the tax
rate to economic growth in Ukraine. It's a simple and fundamental principle taxes
shouldn?t grow while an economy is shrinking. it?s a policy we will practice in
government that will work well for all our people.

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And we will end the greedy power grab ot?a central government that is attempting to

. control all aspects of our economy and life. instead. we will support power
and the development ofstronger local governments by assigning more power to
individual regions.

Unlike our opponents, we truly believe the people should have the power over their
government. That is why we will work to have governors and local of?cials elected by
the people. and not appointed by the national government. if people elect their local
officials, then those of?cials will be more responsive and do a betterjob protecting your
financial well being and delivering social services. The time has come to end the
eronyism and incompetence of?the Yushehenko??ymoshenko era, and replace it with a
government that believes in the people and works for the people.

And we won?t stop there. The purpose ofgovernment should be to protect its people not
cause deliberate hardships.

That is why we will oppose an abrupt end ofsubsidies to farmers and minersjust so
Ukraine can be admitted to the World Trade Organization. The Party of Regions believes
that these subsidies should be gradually reduced overtime and notjust cut off all at once.
In power1 we will take the side of Farmers and miners. not bankers and bureaucrats.

And to protect those who lost all their money when the Savings Bank of' Ukraine
collapsed, the Party oFRegions will support using some ofthe money that the
government gets from the sale of the Kryodizhstal Steel Plant to pay back the people who

. were hurt in that scandal. That is the peoples? money and some of it should go to the
people who have been hurt the most.

And so my friends and colleagues - that is our agenda.

To restore the economic vitality that Ukraine enjoyed when we last managed the
economy.

To build bridges to the West and to the East, so that Ukraine can take advantage of the
assets we have been given.

To stand with people who are hurting the most? by protecting their pensions when they
are old and the subsidies that farmers and miners rely on to stay alive today.

And to re-establish our special relationship with Russia. by making Russian the second
of?cial language of?Ukrainc.

By pursuing these policies we can improve your life today and improve Ukraine for
tomorrow.

My I love Ukraine. it's a beautiful country and I have seen it from end to end.

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Being out ofof?ee this past year has been liberating. it has freed us from the past. It has
.1 freed us to pursue new ideas and new solutions. It has challenged us to get close to the
people and hear what they are saying and what they want from their government.

We have heard and we are ready to provide the strong leadership that is needed to give
the people the government they want and the life that they deserve.

I know that if we come together, if we work together, we can achieve great things.

Today, We do not have the Ukraine we deserve. But with your tomorrow we will
together build the Ukraine of'our dreams;

A land of peace.

A place of prosrierity.

And a homeland for our people where generations can live and prosper together.
This is our dream.

And with your help this will become Ukraine's reaiity.

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Wasat-

Dear Congress Delegates,

First years of the 2lst century will be inscribed in the history okaraine as a period when the
nation - for the ?rst time throughout its period of independence ?stepped onto the accelerated
development path.

. One could observe it with a naked eye: the legacy of the past, especially in such sensitive areas as
freedom of speech, was very notable. But people still sensed changes for the better.

Positive tendencies in the economic development brought about a shift in people?s perception from
uncertainty about the Future towards confidence in their state, in its capability to protect a man of
labor.

Our government had accomplished many things towards this end. According to key indicators of
economic development its performance has been recognized as most productive over the entire

period of independence.

We were fully committed to continuing to pursue the policy aimed at turning Ukraine into Eastern
Europe?s ?economic tiger?

We had all the capacity to make it happen.
Our plans were destroyed by people who were after one thing: money and power.

For that, they afforded turning Ukraine into a testing ground to experiment with techniques of
ousting legitimate power in a so called ?revolutionary" way.

As concerns the bloodless resolution of last year?s orange adventure 1 may say with responsibility:
. it is us rather than them who successfully passed this civic maturity test.

It was our supporters who endured the orange and paid the price ot?humiliatio?n to save
the nation from a fratricidal conflict.

It was our steadfast stamina and responsibility for the fates of43 million that made the
world acknowledge: Ukraine is indeed a civilized state.

Boris Pasternak once wrote: ?with face to face the face isn?t seen?.
At an arm?s length. Maiden leaders might have resembled Che Guevara.
Just a year later. they are now more similar to the picture ofDorian Grey to the people.

The problem oftoday?s government is not their overly ambitious commitments. Their problem is
the people asking today why even a portion of those commitments are failed to be delivered.

The year of 2005 will be remembered in Ukraine?s history as a year of losses and frustrations.
Stability has been replaced with continuous crises gas crisis. meat crisis, sugar crisis and what
have you.

Prices skyrocketed. the country turned into a unreliable, unstable and unpredictable partner.

. The deepest crisis however turned out to be the crisis of power.

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Just recall the scandals shaking corridors of the previous power. They did take place. But even
most notorious of them couldn?t match the ones that Would break out in past 12 months and that
were witnessed not only by Ukrainians but also by the whole world.

This leads me to asking a question: could they have been links of one chain? And could they have
aspired for one goal to ?nally turn our state into a marginal formation, without any future,
. stagnating on the territory of the former

How can one otherwise explain the fact that the orange power ended up being totally corrupt?

And that having olTered the so called ideals ot?the Maiden to the people they immediately rushed
to achieve their genuine key objective ownership redistribution?

And that within a record-breaking period oftimc1 they ousted over 18 thousand experienced
professionals from the state apparatus?

And that their of?ces were immediately ?lled with buddies and relatives who turned out to be
seroungers, let alone their professional ignorance?

And that the foreign policy reality now is such that domestically manufactured products may
sooner than later appear to be non-competitive?

This last factor may bring about unpredictable effects and seriously destabilize the situation not
only within the nation but also in CEE countries and beyond alike.

In my numerous recent trips to Ukraine?s regions I have been repeatedly asked: why did it occur
and do we stand a chance to break out of this nightmare?

. I say: it happened because the new leadership instead of caring for the nation are preoccupied with
grabbing more and more power and making more and more pro?t for themselves.

In the west olekraine I asked my interlocutors: you folks supported the orange power, you were
the prime source ol?the Maiden human resource. How many of your kin and had had
to emigrate for work could-afford repatriation and domestic, decently paid employment after the
orange revolution? Silence was an answer.

I told them: you are supporting the pro-western policy of the orange. This is your right. But are
you prepared to pay the petrol and gas prices that Western states pay to Russia? Here too, they
stayed mute.

Unlike our Opponents constituents, supporters of the Party of Regions realize the reason, or rather
who is to blame for the misfortunes that so abundantly spilled out a?er the advent to power of the
half-baked revolutionaries.

I think that our key strength is that we were able to preserve our supporters. our voters.

Like before, people have trust in us and no political technology tricks can shake this status quo.

No ?lthy PR techniques however cynical they are will ever shake their persuasion in the right
choice they made a year ago.

. Our political opponents have no chances to win a single bit of our electoral space even if they
invest in the elections all the cash eamed from the sale of another ?Krivorizhstal?.

?1 301 D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000018
0.?.3940.6?007.pdf

Because we - and not they - know what to do,
Because it is us and not them - who are professionals and know how to reaclt national prosperity.

Because it is us and not them who are prepared to offer to Ukrainians a program of overcoming
deep social and economic crises created by the orange coup.

. What does it take? Let me brie?y describe the essence of the program of the Party of Regions. The
programs with which we are bound to win at the 2006 elections.

In domestic policy.

We perfectly understand that a genuine democracy is impossible wherever poverty and
unemployment prevail. The promises to instill the rule of law or to eradicate corruption without
doing away with economic causes of these phenomena exemplify shecr populism and demagogy
which today?s power is demonstrating more than convincingly.

Therefore, early next year, the Party of Regions will promulgate its plan outlining the ways of
Ukraine?s economy reversal to the state when the GDP growth rates were over 12 percent. May 1
remind you that this was the growth rate attained by our govemrnent.

Without going into details of this plan and the suggested strategy, 1 will only point out that we are
looking into implementing the main state programs we had devaloped Whereby the whole economy
of Ukiaine will be evolving.

We will continue structural reforms launched in 2003-2004. We will pursue a balanced and

responsible budget policy.

We will cut taxes and liquidate the tax burden. Restrictions will be put in place due to which

administrative leverage will not be able to control domestic market pricing. Prices growth will be

restrained by cutting tax rates and their dependence on the national economy development growth
. rates A simple basic principle will work: taites don? go up as lting as economic growth rates are

not. adequately?ynarmic

Furthermore. an at least two-year long moratorium on amending tax laws will be instituted.

We intend to reverse to an investment-innovative development model. to revive economic
breakthrough generators: technoparlts, priority development areas, free economic zones.

It?s a matter of honor for us to restore a favorable investment climate in Ukraine.

We commit ourselves to doubling state investments in agro-industrial complex development in
three years.

We will pave the road to new technologies in the rural areas.

Power decentralization will boost macroeconomic growth and reanirnation ot?small and medium-
size businesses activity.

Reforms we will pursue in local self-government will rest on direct elections of regional and local
administrations leaders.

Regional communities, acting through their representatives in local councils will autonomously
shape up and enforce local budgets.

. Moving forward to a t?ederative state system will enable alleviating a deep split-up triggered after
the orange jingoes came to power. In case that today?s political and administrative status quo
remains in place, mutual between communities with different historical past.

1 301 AND 9
0.?.394D.6?00?.pdf

4
cultural and mental identities will only be exacerbated. And no calls for alignment for the sake of
unitarity will help.

Only existence of federative subjects can help preserve unity within the diversity of regions.
otherwise the sword of Damocles threatening disintegration will always loom over Ukraine.

. In the social domain the Party of Regions is committed to provide employment to each citizen in
need of job in accordance with hislher quali?cation. experience and expertise with an adequate
compensation that will ensure decent living and savings opportunities.

to give social protection to disadvantaged and limited capacity citizens;

due respect to the family and protection of its values;

highly professional military reliant on domestic industries. guaranteeing reliable protection of
interests of military service people and their families.

We will effectively rather than declaratively reform the youth policy raising the level of social
protection to students: annual preferential fares, rise in stipends up to the minimum cost of living.

The youth lending funds will be increased to allow young people to buy education and housing.

The Party nfRegions stands for putting in place a new trade union system which will defend hired
labor interests at any enterprise irrespective of the form ofownership.

Self-sufficiency of the Pension Fund will be guaranteed.

The Party of Regions believes that Ukrainian citizens' savings lost as a result ofthe USSR
disintegration must be recovered with monies earned from the sale of ?Krivorizhstal?. This is the
people?s money which is why its major proportion must be returned to them.

. We stand for an of?cial recognition ofthe Russian language as the second of?cial language in
Ukraine.

Quite a few states worldwide including Western Europe are bilingual. But does it threaten their
national identity?

Our motto is: two languages, one nation!

The question of the Russian language status does not have a direct bearing on our relations with
Russia. Nevertheless, it is a key for understanding why orange leaders created so many problems
for the Ukrainian people.

In this connection. let me outline our foreign policy priorities that the Party of Regions will pursue
after taking power.

Dear delegates!

Our party does not decline the idea of Ukraine?s European integration. This is our principal
position, as well as our response to our political opponents accusing us of a solely Eurasian
orientation.

Alongside that, we maintain that without close economic cooperation with our great Northern
. neighbor Ukraine is unable to become the West?s equal partner in the conceivable future.

Moreover: by neglecting Russia?s strategic interests Ukraine has put itself in a situation when its
conforrnist pro-western policy has become of concern to the West itself.

1 301 AND TRAINING-000020
D.T.394D.6700?.pdf

Ur

What can Ukraine's associated membership in the EU and NATO bring to Brussels and
Washington if it occurs without account for geopolitical realities? We can con?dently argue:
nothing but big problems since in that case the West will be faced with an adequate response from
Russia for which it is a matter oftheir national security.

. In any case, foreign political priorities may not be de?ned the way the current power does: without
a scrupulous modeling of possible scenarios in immediate, medium and far-fetched term.

The Party of Regions considers that at this point in its historic development Ukraine must pursue a
policy of sensible balancing between the East and the West.

Being as pragmatic in politics as we are, we will build on an assumption that foreign political
priorities must work for the bene?t of the national economy and well-being of our citizens rather
than for the sake of satisfying vested interests of individual financial?industrial groups and forces
backing them.

Hence, if cutting subsidies to the agriculture or coal industry are only needed to speed up
Ukraine?s accession to the WTO, we are against any haste in such accession.

If integration in the Single Economic Space promotes social and economic advancement of our
State we are for the 3133.

Dear delegates!
One of the causes of the acting power?s crisis is a failure to deliver promises.

The Party of Regions will break this vicious circle ofgovernments? and deputies" irresponsibility
before the nation.

. We are the only force in Ukraine that presents its election commitments as a mutual responsibility
borne by voters and politicians.

Therefore, in the face of all delegates and guests present in this hall 1 want to solemnly declare:

We warrant that people?s deputies from the Party of Regions and the government formed by them
will, within three years after coming to power, secure the ful?llment of promises given to voters.

Otherwise, both the government and deputies from the Party of Regions having formed it will
voluntarily resign.

This is the word we are giving today to the people. And everyone who knows us has had many
opportunities to get reassured: the Party of Regions {the speaker pauses, smiles looks into the
audience and speaks on) is not about dead-heads!

Dear guests!
Let me spend a few moments to talk about who we are hading towards victory with, who we
nominate for deputy candidacy at the coming elections.

Our party slate carries the names oi'people who have shared our political vision and values for a
considerable while. They shared the bitterness of temporary setbacks with us. together with us they
. endured political repressions and cheating.

These are the people that never betrayed and never changed sides. They never rushed to offer their
services to yesterdays? opponents.

1 301 AND
0.?.394D.6?00?.pdf

Most of them were nominated by regional organizations.

Our candidates are a sort ofa collective portrait of Ukraine representing nominees from all
regional communities of Ukraine.

. For instance, {Speaks a respective name) runs as a candidate front Eastern Ukraine. (Another
name is spoken) runs from Western provinces. (Name) is widely known in Crimea, (name)
enjoys common renown in and around Kiev.

This slate also includes representatives of ally parties that expressed their commitment to persevere
with struggle under the Party of Regions banners and have joined our party ranks.

These are very experienced politicians. Once elected to the parliament they will in a speedily and
professional manner put in place the legal framework which is essential for implementing our
anti-crisis program.

Dear deputies!

A year ago we stood at the Railroad terminal square in Kiev joined by 30 thousand eoalminers
ready to go and unblock the government's building in order to save the country from the economic
collapse. They only waited for a signal.

1 came out to my fellow and said to them: keep waiting, I'll be back. And then, I left
for the t?oundtable meeting.

What happened next is common knowledge as well as common knowledge i couldn?t be
back with the miners.

I asked to let them know that I urged them to get back home as otherwise people?s blood could
. have shed.

It took a year to be back. Which is not too long, especially if one recalls that the Party of Region
was compared with Phoenix that revives from ashes.

Our party today enjoys the highest popularity across the whole of Ukraine. And this is only the
beginning as the struggle has just started.

I want to call upon all Congress delegates, all members of the Party of Regions and along with
them - millions of'our voters tojoin this struggle with optimism and belief.

Together we. will by all means win and make our compatriots lives happier.
This won?t happen "one ?ne day".

This will happen very soon!
As soon as in the spring!

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000022
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MEMORANDUM

TO: Paul Manafort
FROM: Oleg Kudinov

. RE: Regional development program
DATE: December 4, 2005

For our conversation on Thursday, I would like to share my views on the key objectives and
implementation of RPD program in Ukraine.

As I see them, the key objectives of RPDs in the regions are:

V'?f

I (Bon?re over the execution of the strategy developed by DM

0 Evaluation and providing feedback on ef?ciency of communication strategy of the PofR
Central headquarters in the regions, analysis of problems and development of proposals
to improve it

- Serve as a link between regional organizations, central HQs and BM in ensuring ef?cient
information flow, tracking of issues and providing most up-to-date information on
regional developments

0 Jointly
expendi'



of spending fu ds
. Assistance and consulting to oblast and district headquarters, local candidates in
development and implementation of agitation plans- speci?c agitation programs (help in
writing articles to local newspapers, letter, basic documents, organization of mass
. actions, poll watching, etc]
- Monitoring of activities of PDR and key opponents in the regions, providing timely
information on opponents? actions and analyses of their activities for feedback to
DMICentral HQ
. Assistance in preparation of visits of Leader and surrogate speakers in the regions. liaison
with international observer groups
- Inspection visits jointly with Central HQ representative to other regions

The program should be implemented with full integration into the Central HQ structure (with full
coverage ol?the Democratic Center due to security reasons} and should initially include three
groups, each consisting of?! RPDs. The groups will be deployed and respectively responsible for
the following regions:

I) Crimea I person {responsible for Crimea and Sevastopol)

2) Odessa? 1 person responsible forNil-rolaev, Herson, Odessa)

Dnipropetrovsk - 1 person, potentially 2 persons (responsible for Dnipropetrovslt and
Zaporizhia oblasts

4) Donetsk - 1 person (responsible for Donetsk, Harltiv and Luhanslt)

5) Kiev management and coordination of activities (Kudinov assistant)

suggest to bring the ?rst group of3-4 RPDs to Ukraine on December 15, and test the
technology ol?dcployment on them integration with Central HQs, deployment to the regions.

. logistical and legal issues. authority from the Central HQ). etc. If the experience is successful,
we can deploy the rest starting with January 12-15

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000023

Name Preliminarily compensation
assigned region Plus of per diem
Dmitri Pospelnv. *5 .

0 Born June 20, 19?? I. Took part in 26 election Crimea. 5
campaigns. Author of several books on election Can deploy after
technologies. Docent, Nov 28, 2005
Speaks French, German

. Andrei Ryabchuk Kharkiv. . 57 one
Politologist, political consultant, project Can deploy after
management specialist. Nov 23, 2005
Professor, author ol?hooks on political science,
social

Has taken part and managed over 30 campaigns
throughout
Speaks English and French. Member of
International Journalists? Union.
Vyacheslav Lyzlov.
Born April ll, 1045. Took part in 32 campaigns. Donetsk. $4 000
including campaigns as Head ofelection HQ. Can deploy a?er
Author ofdl books on election technologies. December 1,
2005
Alexander Darievich1953 in oblast. Graduate of aporta ya
Dnepropetrovsk metallurgical institute. Has worked Can deploy after
in election campaigns since 1994. Speaks ?uent December 1-
Ukrainian. 2005
6 Yuri Matveev I Odessa. $5 [till]
Specialist in political training and consulting. Has I Can deploy alter
taken part in more than 2t] campaigns throughout I November 23,
. Russia and CIS, incl. Ukraine, since [993. i 2005
Anton Orlov
6, Born October 4? 191'6 i Kherson, can $4 [Hill
. . deploy a?er
Took part In over It) campalgns.
. . . . December 6,
{political science). Speaks French.
.2005
7. Pavel i Nikolaev, can $4 [100
born 1977. Took part in over 15 campaigns as i deploy alter
. . . . December 6,
campaign consultant and manager of HQ
12095
i
6 Natalia Astakhova. Kiev, assistant to 3 000
- Kudinov. Can
born 19?" I deploy after Nov
Took part in 15 election campaigns as press- 27, 2005
secretary, head oLErcss-service?eaks English.
9, Mihail Topalov, born 1951, political analyst, - Dnipropetrovsk $4 soo
pollster, campaign manager. Took part in over 25
campaigns.
Alternative: 1) Egor Golubtsov, born [Slit], took
part in over IO campaigns.

. 10. Vasili Agal'onov 4 501]

Born 1960, took part in over 15 campaigns.
Alternative:
Marat Belialov. Political consultant, took part in

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000024

DOJ 345

Program framework

1) Introductory meeting in Moscow or Kiev to outline speci?c missions and clear
understanding of role and responsibilities ti preferably through a memo from PJM)

2) Upon arrival in Kiev each should receive 1 months? salary plus 1 month per diem advance
. around $3.000 in cash for rent of apartment, purchase of cell phone, travel etc.

This amounts to:
44,500 in salaries for 1 months for 10 people
50 per diem 30 days 10 people $15,001}

3 3,001} advance in cash for rent of apartment, purchase of cell phones 10
people $30,000

5:00 for 1 way econ class ticket to Kiev 10 people $3,000
Total: $92,500 in cash

3) Be managed by Oleg Kudinov and provide weekly reports and updates on the situation in
the region.

4) meetings in Kyiv for debrie?ng

1 301 AND
0.7.3940.6?00?.pdf DOJSCO-4ODT47346

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1 BO1 AND TRAINING-000026
0.7.3940.6700?.pdf

Key Agitation Technologies of Party of
Regions

Manualfor Party of Regains local activist

Party of Regions

. Kyiv zoos

500 copies, 150 pages.

The manual covers the key means and ways of agitation and advertisement impact
on voters during the election campaign.

In essence, the manual is about technological instruments oi? election campaign
which, if used correctly, can help activists and functionaries of PofR to build effective
agitation and organization plans and successfully execute them at all stages of election
campaign!

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000027
0.?.3940.6?007.pdf DOJSCO-400747348

Table of Contents

Avnitabtiity of
text in Russian
. 1. Strategy and Tactics of PofR at the Elections to Yerkhovna Available Not
Rada and local governance bodies Available
Key guidelines of strategy and tactics of Pot?R at the Yerkhovna Yes
Rada elections
1.2 Recommendations on strategy and tactics of PofR in regions of Yes
Ukraine
1.3 Recommendations on strategy and tactics of PotR in urban and Yes
rural areas of Ukraine (by region}
1.4 Key guidelines of' the [?0th Election Program Yes
1.5 Characteristics of target voter groups of PofR and methods of Yes
work with them. Target groups of l?ofR
1.6 Key political parties of Ukraine in this campaign. Attitude of Yes
PofR to these parties.
Key threats for election campaign oFPofR Yes
2. Election Campaign as Communication Process
2.1. Key objectives ofthe regional and district HQs in the electoral Yes
process.
2.2 System of management, subordinaton and reporting. What gets Yes
sent to whom, by whom and when. Internal communication of
campaign.t
. 2.3 Analytical research in the election campaign Yes
3. Key documents of Election Campaign
3.1 Voter database Yes
3.2 Framework for interview on behalfof Pof?R (100 answers to 100 Yes
questions)
3.3 Issues ofregion. districts and target groups Yes
3.4 Electoral Map of the region Yes
3.5 Talking points for conversations with voters and mass media Yes
3.6 ?Legend" on PofR (regional organization) and its leaders. No
Official bios oflhe PoiR leaders.
Table of positioning of PofR in the oblast Yes
3.3 Plan of? agitation of the obiast and district organization Yes
3.9 Key speech of candidates and surrogates Yes
3.10 Program ot'FofR and the regional organization. Details based on Yes
iocal speci?cs
3.1 1 Budget ot?elcction campaign Yes
4. Basics of agitation and propaganda in election campaign
4. . Key elements of popularity of the party. Key elements of image Yes
ofPofR
4.2. Content aspects of agitation. Main contents of the agitation Yes
campaign of PofR.
. 4.2 Key issues of the 1troters in Ukraine Her
4.3 Possible current messages ofagitalion campaign in the regions Her

I-J

1 301 O-ADVANCE AND
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and districts
4.4 Development of messages Yes
4.5 Development of special projects during agitation. Structure and Yes
reporting on projects.

5. Key Tactical Methods of Agitation
. 5.1 Comparative effectiveness of various methods of agitation in Yes
Ukraine and limitations on their use
5.2 Work with mass media Yes
5.3 Lea?et campaign. Place and efficiency. Recommendations on Yes
work with lea?ets.
5.4 Outside agitation (street agitation). Yes
Place and ef?ciency. Recommendations.
5.5 Meetings with voters YES
5.6 Instruction on organization and conduct of meetings of regional Yes
leaders of PofR and agitators.
Door-to-door Campaign. Instruction to agitators who take part in Yes
Door-to-door campaign. Actions of agitators in problem
situations.
5.8 Organization and conduct of mass events (meetings, Yes
demonstrations, processions).
5.9 Pickets and tents" operations. Yes
5.10 Direct mail and mail ?hands to hands? Yes
Telephone agitation. Recommendations on telephone agitation Yes
program.
5.12 Special Interests Groups and Charity. Yes
5.13 Organization ofmcdia events (free media) Yes
5.14. Organization of meetings of the Leader of PotR in oblasts of No
. Ukraine
5.15 Role and use of intemet in election campaigns. Yes
6 Preparation of regional and district organizations ofPofR
for Election Day
6.1. PofR representatives in election commissions ofvarious levels. Yes
6.2. How to check lists of voters Yes
6.3 Media preparation for ballot Security program No
6.4 Watching the polls and tabulation of votes Yes
6.5 Parallel count of votes Yes
6.6 How to prepare complaints regarding violations and where to Yes
send them
6.7 Key possible Ways of fraud and ways to counteract fraud Yes
6.6 Getting out your vote on election day Yes

7. Attachments

7.1 Key economic results of ?orange revolution" No
7.2 Instruction on how to organize pickets. Sample oi'portable stand Yes
for pickets.
Instruction on providing security of election campaign No
7.4 PofR poll watcher manual for members of precinct and higher Yes
level election commissions.
. 7.5 Instruction on sending special information to higher level PotR Yes
l-le

LP)

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000029
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7.6 Script of phone conversation of agitator with voters. Yes

Recommendations onorganization of meetings. demonstrations, Yes
processions.
7.8 Kpartme petromennaunn no npoeenenmo npnmo? appeeno? Yes

7.8 Instruction on support of 1visits of the Leader in the regions No
. 7.10 First 50 names of PofR party list No
111 Short bios of ?rst 10 members ofthe PoiR Party List No
7.13 Legend on the Leader of PolR No
7.13 Summary ot?whot will implementation of PofR program bring to No

the people of Ukraine

1 301 O-ADVANCE AND
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Zablcnish-l

Report Of Victor Yanukovich at the Congress ofthe Party ol'Revions

Dear Delegates!
Dear Friends and Associates!
Our Congress is taking place in very important time.

Election campaign has started in Ukraine. It won't be an exaggeration of] say that our country has not
known elections, upon which so much would depend on.

Their results will have decisive signi?cance For the further history of Ukraine, for the life of its every
citizen.

As you know. since the beginning ofthe new year the political reform will come into force.
It will lay the foundation ofsteady, democratic system ofthe parliamentary type in Ukraine.

This means that alter the elections a new phase of the political history ofour country, as well as the
new stage in its economic and social life will begin.

The parties, that form a majority in the parliament and create a coalition government will be able to
take an active part in its building.

Those parties will ensure their political long life and will be able to determine the political landscape of
our country in the future.

Those parties that do not receive the trust ofthe people will be doomed to the role of reserve player and
with the time leave the political arena

Elections in 2006 will become the moment oftruth, which will determineresponsible politician.

Who is able to live up to the promises. and who is not able to keep the word

Who offers a well thought-through program of leading the country out ofthe crisis, and who is driving
the country even deeper into the crisis.

I am sure that the people will make the right choice and entrust the Party of Regions to take
responsibility for their well-being and for the fate ol'the country.

i am sure that we will be well worth ofthis high honor and will fulfill out solemn duty before the older
generation and our children.

It was as who were chosen by the fate to return the economy to the path of stability and growth, and
provide decent life and assurance of tomorrow to our people.

will not be an easy thing to do. because never ever has our country been kicked back so far thanks to
. (quote), irresponsible actions ofthe government, {unquote}.

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2

The whole world has become a witness of the troubles that fall upon our suffering peoplejust during
one year ofleadership ofthe ?orange".

These are crises ot?different kinds - gas, meat, sugar. it?s hard to remember all ofthem.
But the biggest is the crisis of pDWer, which added a deep paralysis to its unprofessionalism.

The immortal character of Bulgakov, Prof. Prcobraahensky was truly right, when he said that the
biggest reason ofmess in the country is the ?mess in the heads".

I think this would be the diagnosis he would give to the current generation of home-grown
revolutionaries.

The lack ofwell thought-through concept ofdevelopment oflhe country lead to dramatic deterioration
ofthe health ofthe economy.

As you know. all macroeconomic indicators have gone down. Following them. the standard of living of
the citizens has gone down as well,

But the key issue is the helplessness and lack of principle of the new government, which destroyed
people?s trust in its ability to change something for the better.

The society is again seized by the indifference and fear oftomorrow, which we forced to retreat in the
previous years.

In my opinion, this is one ofthe key losses of Ukraine in the last year.

. Lack of real steps in economy the ?orange" have largely compensated by the moral terror against those
who think differently.

In this direction they have undertaken such violent activity, that medieval inquisition lead by
Torouemada looks like innocent kids at their background.

is not a joke over IS 000 professionals, whose only fault was dislike ofthe orange color, were ?red
from the executive power bodies during scvaral months.

They, according to the new government, were maehinating, creating conspiracies and prevented it from
the work for the bene?t of the Ukrainian nation by all means.

However, our people bare smart and very well understand, what prevents a "bad dancer? from dancing
well.

Despite the suffering of the people, the orange leaders continue to fight for the power in a most cynical
and shameless way. The hunger for power has absolutely filled their minds.

At the time, when the growing in?ation takes the last kopecks train the pockets of the pensioners.
doctors and teachers, the government increases their salary by several times.

They were able to dignify themselves, quote, in the foreign policy front. unquote.

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3

Instead oi'a well-balanced foreign policy, primarily strengthening connections with Russia, the
?orange team" thoughtlessly and hastily drives the country towards the European Union.

This is the place where Ukraine is not expected. at least tor the next it) years.
In such conditions the Party of Regions did not have any other choice than to become an opposition.

We could not sit and observe collapse oflhe economy and massive violations ofthe constitutional
rights ofthe citizens.

However. we did not add the revolutionary methods ofthe orange to our arsenal.
We used all of' our forces to preserve the public peace and accord.

This was our goal during signing of the Memorandum on Mutual Understanding between the power
and the opposition.

Today the representatives ofthe ?orange" government still can not give a legible answer to the
question: ?Why Do They Need Power?, which they have not learned how to use during the year for the
bene?t ofthe people?

Sometimes it seems like their only message for the elections is to defeat Yanukovich. They have been
failing to agree on other issues so far.

The Party of Regions has essentially different approach. We do not want revenge.
For as power is just an instrument. With its help we will implement our program and Ful?ll our
promises to the people.

We must unite the country and lead it out ol'the social. economic and political crisis.

We must return Ukraine to the path ofthe stable economic and social development, which we had one
year ago, when we were in power.

For this we have all the necessary components: belief in our force. political will and a clear program of
action.

The key elements ot?our election program are:

Prosperity to the people!

Power to the regions!

These are the ideas we go to the people with.

We are strongly sure that their implementation will lead Ukraine to the path of progress and welfare.
in this we did not invent anything new.

The Party of Regions during 8 years has been preaching these principles. which were supported by
. millions of Ukrainians.

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000033
D.7.3940.6700?.pdf DOJSCO-400747354

We stand for support of national producers.

If. in order to protect our people We need to wait a little with entry to the WTO. we are prepared to
wait.

. At the same time, ifthere are new opportunities for the domestic producer in the Common Economic
Space, we will do everything for its creation.

One ofthe key elements ofthc program ofthe Party is the priority ofthe family values.
1 would even say that it"s the cult of family values at the state level.
In this respect housing issue has particular signi?cance for Us.

We will make sure that mortgage loans are accessible not only for the selected ones. but for the most
broad strata ofthc population.

Our Congress is taking place during the World Day of lnvalids-

Our Solemn duty is to create conditions for meaningful life for them, and to surround people of senior
age with attention.

The election program ofthe party of Regions has provisions on care about veterans of war and labor
and invalids.

Proud people. Distinguished people. who created the wealth of Ukraine. People who are least socially
protected now.

We consistently stand for decentralization ofpower and for expansion ofthe rights ofthe regions. is
not by accident that we are called ?Party of Regions".

It is high time to introduce real accountability from bottom to top - ofthe government to the people.
For this we propose election ofthe governors and other leaders at the district level.

This is a direct way for people to hold whoever they elect accountable. They can even recall their
elected of?cial if he, mildly speaking, ?bacomes facidous?.

Moreover, we have included an important obligation in our election program, that no other party has
had the guts to make.

lfduring three years we fail to fulfill our key program concepts, our deputies and members ofthe
government will voluntarily resign.

This means real responsibility ofpoliticians for their promises.

Further. Our political opponents. when they came to power. started to accuse us in separatism,
substituting our desire to make Ukraine a federalist state by this word.

The federal development-can become the factor of unity, and not separation of Ukraine.

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000034
U.T.394U.5700?.pdf

5
It should become a well thought, scienti?cally substantiated state policy.

Consistent Federalism always contributes to development ofdemocracy and freedom. Ukraine is not an
exclusion in this case!

. The strength ofthe regions is that they are very different. We must free and use the energy ofthe
regions. Our slogan 15" Regions of Ukraine Unity ofthe Equal!

llowever. it is important to preserve the originality ol'the East and West. South and North.

Preserve and multiply the historic, cultural, religious values and traditions oFthe people who live in
their regions.

It is where the ethnic, family roots are very deep. This is where they take the spirit and the force for life
and labor, for bringing up their children.

Dear Friends!

The basis ot'democracy ofdeveloped European countries is the civilized cooperation between the
power and the opposition-

The opposition there is a catalyst of positive changes.

The opposition is the eyes and ears of the people, preventing the government from stealing and abusing
the law.

Opposition is the consciousness ofdemocracy.

When we come to power. the issue of providing the opposition with the relevant status will be resolved,
no matter who the opposition is. We guarantee that!

We will not prosecute the opposition, political opponents, and threaten them with prisons.

The opposition, as our election program stipulates, will Forever become a mandatory attribute of
existence ol?power. a requisite of healthy, fruitful politics.

Interaction and mutual influence of the power and the opposition will become a guarantee of observing
the human rights and Freedoms.

Finally, our program paid major attention to the foreign policy ol?thc state.
We will re-build everything that was destroyed by thoughtless actions ofthe orange ?chiefs".
We see what has come out oftheir efforts. Shame and disgrace.

We try to get into the European structures in a beggarly way. Europeans like only economically strong
and politically independent countries.

ls Ukraine like that now? On the contrary. it has been weakened.

. First ot'all, due to the violation ofetetnail ties with the northern neighbor Russia.

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000035
0.T.3940.6?007.pdf

The multi-vector approach will be the basis ofour foreign policy activity.

By no means we will Follow the path of adventures and voluntarism.

Let the people through referendum determine, whether Ukraine should join NATO.

So far a reliable guarantee ofpeace has been the out-of?Iocks status of our state.

We strongly believe that Ukraine should preserve this status and not be part ot?any blocks in the future.
We must limit the ambitions ot'the current government

The serious issues should be dealt with seriously, in a thoughtful and balanced way.

i assure you that we will by all means normalize the relations with Russia our strategic partner.

Both Ukraine and Russia are interested in this. Equal partnership is needed by our both countries. by
our people.

Party of Regions has such desire. Responsible Russian politicians also share this approach.
What else do we need in this case?

Act. With no delay till tomorrow.

First of all. We will complete formation and creation oi? the Common Economic Space.

On the even ofthe coming election campaign in Ukraine, the new electoral shake-ups, there is always
enough speculatoin about the ethnic issues and national languages.

will say right away these are dubious and extremely dangerous speculations.
it is easy to violate peace. it is easy to start inter-ethnic con?icts and confrontation.

it?s very dif?cult to reconcile them. Painful experience of other countries teaches us about that. You
know about this better than 1 do.

We do not need such shake-ups. Enough playing using the ethnic feelings.

Party of Regions proposes support and free development of all ethnic groups and nationalities, who liVe
in Ukraine. There is more than 100 of such.

We stand for development of all national languages. We stand for flourishing ofnational cultures and
traditions, and spiritual values.

We stand for providing the status of the second state language to the Russian language.

It is absurd. when the language of Pushltin. Gogol. Chekhov, Bulgakov is studied at school as a foreign
language.

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000036
U.?.3940.5700?.pdf

7

We are against closing down Russian classes, and removal of Russian books from the nursery schools.

All nations big and small should be equal in their rights and responsibilities. There should be no
prosecution. no subjugation.

. We are a united friendly family ofthe peoples of Ukraine!

We must orient all members ofthe party, all participants ol?our electoral process to the best result. To
the victory in the future elections.

According to the research and pollsters, the approval rating ofour party is growing. We are
the only party in Ukraine whose approval rating is growing.

You know very well that in all ratings the Party of Regions takes the top positions.
However, by no means it should Pacify us.

We have serious and dif?cult work ahead of us. We have 4 months oftiring and tough battle in the
election campaign. Our opponents are not sleeping.

We simply must become even more united. From the grassroots level up to the central nucleus ofthe
party.

From the district headquarters. working in election campaign. up to the Central HQ in Kyiv.

The success of the Party of Regions undoubtedly will determine the ef?ciency and vigor of'the
grassroots party organizations.

In this hall we have people who have gone through many electoral battles.

Many ofyou I know personally. know your business qualities, value your wisdom and your
experience.

I believe in you and ask please work these four months will full self-sacrifice.
Please work persistently and motivationally.

I am talking to the battle nucleus, the intellect of the party people?s deputies, members ot?the
?Regions of' Ukraine? faction.

The overwhelming majority ofyou work actively in the parliament. lam intentionally not giving names
in order not to miss anyone.

i sincerely thank you for the fruitful work.
You defend the interests ofour party.

Your sincere conversations with people will help bring on our side those, who have not made up their
minds whom to vote for.

. Dear Deputies, I believe in your leadership role in the electoral process.

1 301 D-ADVANCE AND
0.?.3940.6?007.pdf DOJSCO-4OU747358

I believe in great signi?cance of each of those present here. Each active party member in the regions of
Ukraine.

. Each meeting with the people, each individual conversation should be open and sincere.
This, not talking and theories, is the key to our success. People should feel it in their hands, in reality.
People expect clear answers and real deeds.
How to raise pensions and stipends?
How to ?x heating, water supply. sewage system in a speci?c house?
There are so many such things. Let?s not forget about them. .
There are no tri?es in life, especially during the election campaign.

All candidates in election lists of various levels are respected and known people, the advance group of
the party.

Chasing them, we remained true to our key principle to present the interests of all regions.

That is why the names ofour candidates are known in every corner of our Motherland. Interests of
people are close to them.

As you know, lately the Party of Regions?s ranks were joined by new members, who were until
. recently affiliated with ?Soyuz? and ?New Democracy" parties.

These in?uential political forces are close by spirit to us.

They are close in terms of views on the ways of political and social-economic development ofthe
Ukrainian society.

We arejustifiably called the centrist opposition.

By uniting. we started the process ofcreation of'political center for the sake ofuni?cation ofthe whole
Ukrainian nation.

Dear Colleagues! Dear Associates!
This is the way I see the upcoming elections and participation of our party in these elections.

By your speeches, I believe, you will add up to this vision. You will share your ways and methods of
conducting election campaign.

It will be as intensive and responsible as it has never been.
You have noted that not a single time I used the word ?electorate"

. I did this intentionally. ask you to Forget this word.

1 301 O-ADVANCE AND
0.?.394D.6?00?.pdf DOJSCO-4UDT47359

We do not go to the electorate. We go to the people.
To each specific person.
. We go to our compatriots.
We must do everything possible to help people make an educated choice next March.
A choice of whom they Should tie their fates, their thoughts with.
With whom to look into the future
With whom to build a digni?ed. united Ukraine.
I wish all of us success at this thorny but important path. God Help Us save Ukraine.

Thank you For your attention.

1301 AND TRAINING-000039
D.?.3940.6700?.pdf DOJSCO-4UO747360

.

To: Vasily Dzhartyi Edouard Prutnik
CC Pavel Burlakov
BCC SH, YK, Anton Prigordski, BVK
Fr: Paul Manafort, Phil Griffin

Tim Unes

Bobby Peede

Re: Victor Yanukovych
Party Congress Treatment

Date:

Location: The Sports Palace
City Center
. 10,000 seats
Date: December 05

1:00 pm 4:00 pm (approximately)

Items; Mal-ting Your Life Better TODAY

Deliverables: Equipment list 11f14105

Preliminary outdoor graphics design 111?182?05

Preliminary outdoor design (staging. backdrop for small

concert, resolution tent1 collateral tent) - 11118105

Preliminary indoor design (plenary( session) 11/18/05
Stage design
Corridor design

Preliminary collateral material design 11(131'05

Final equipment list 11114105

Final outdoor graphics design - 1112305

Final outdoor design (staging, backdrop for small concert,

resolution tent. collateral Lent) 11122105

Final indoor design (plenary session} 11122105

Final collateral material design - [1122.105

Preliminary ?Run of Show" (script) 11122/05

L. Price List - TBD

1BD1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000040
0.?.3Q40.67007.pdf DOJSCO-400T47351

. Collateral Material:

Narrative:

0.7.3940.6700T.pdf

2000 Ukrainian Flag
10,000 Handheld Signs

(36} Confetti cannons

(36) Confetti streamer cannons
(20) Mylar cannons

Balloon drop

Indoor pyrotechnics

Hats

Scarves

T?shirts

As attendees arrive to the Sports Palace they will be greeted
by an outdoor concert in the plaza of the spons palace. The
footprint around the palace will be draped in the blue and
whitelyellow colors of the Yanukovych campaign as well as
large format campaign banners. The banners will be ?own
from adjacent buildings surrounding the venue and from
rigging points on the palace itself. The plaza will also
contain a ?resolution tent" and several collateral tents. The
band will be a local Ukrainian ?pop" band. Campaign
workers will mill throughout the crowd passing out
campaign hats. t?shirts and scarves.

As attendees enter the Sports palace the hallways leading
into the venue will be covered in blue and yellow. We will
?up light" walls, drape columns and hang banners in all the
Open areas. These public areas will also contain food
vending areas and campaign music. As attendees take their
seats in the arena those seated on the ?oor will be given
2?s3? Ukrainian flags and those seated in the stands will get
either a 2?s'3? placard or a 1's 2? Ukrainian flag. Another
local band will warm up this crowd. The crowd will see an
?Active Video" wall backdrop. The advantage of using an
?Active Video" backdrop is that we can change the look and
feel of the backdrop several times during the course of the
program by simply projecting a new slide or new video.
We can literally have anything we want as a projected
backdrop whenever we want it. This means that in addition
to the hard wall portion of the backdrop there will be a 25'
19? active video wall (?anked by two 9' X. 12? IMAQ
screens and two tri-wall digital video screens ?own from
the ceiling). We have decided to use rear projection as our
central backdrop screen since the resolution is so much
better than digital walls. Large format digital video walls
will only give us a 6mm resolution, which is sharp enough

1BD10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000041
DOJSCO-40074TI362

U.7.3940.67007.pdf

for the screens, but not sharp enough for the ?tight
shot". A rear screen projection using a digital projector will
give us significantly better resolution so we can still get a
message in the tight shot.

As the program starts the hand will leave the stage. the
lights will go down and we will roll a 10 minute video
highlighting the Ticket. Following this video one or more
of the lower ticket candidates will speak. Following the
lower ticket candidates the nominating speech will be given
by ending with an introduction a 15 minute ?Rally
the Troops? video highlighting Victor Yanukovvch, the
party and the upcoming campaign. Immediately following
the video the candidate will enter the arena from the rear of
the floor. to the sound of the campaign theme song (TED).
The candidate will be followed by a spot light. The
candidate will walk along a raised 2' high walkway right
through the middle of the crowd towards the stage, shaking
hands but always visible to the rest of the crowd and the
cameras as he progresses. The only portion of the arena lit
at this time is the raised walkway, a path several feet wide
of the walkway and the images from the backdrop and
LMAQ screens that will be projecting his entrance and
several follow spots that will be moving through the crowd
highlighting the 2000 Ukrainian flags in the audience. Each
of the 20 Mylar cannons. n'gged in the ceiling above the
walkway. will be fired ahead of the candidates raining
colored Mylar confetti {which will interact with the lighting
above the walkway) on the candidate as he shakes hands
with supporters en route to the stage.

Once the candidate reaches the stage he will shake hands
with fellow (lower ticket) candidates who will immediately
leave the stage. Mr Yanukovych will continue to
acknowledge the crowd and then begin his speech. As he
begins his speech the backdrop will re?ect a large format
campaign logo backdrop with a standard wall paper pattern
in the ?tight shot". Once the speech progresses Mr.
Yanukovych will leave the podium and begin to move
around the stage.

At the end of the speech we will cue the campaign music.
fire the streamer cannons and have the other important
ticket candidates join him on stage. Once the they have
acknowledged the crowd (while the music is still playing)
the lower ticket candidates will join them on stage cued to

1 BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000042

. the ?ring of the confetti cannons and ?nally the balloon
drop. Following the balloon drop all of the stage
participants will file out of the arena on the raised walkway.

AND TRAINING-000043
0.?.3940.6?00?.pdf DOJSCO-400747364

To: Paul Manafort

Fr: Tim Unes
Bobby Peede

Re: Victor Yanukovyeh

Party Congress Treatment

Di: 1 1f] 3f05

Location:

Date:

Theme:

Deliverables:

Collateral Material:

Con?dential

0.?.3940.67007.pdf

The Sports Palace
City Center
10,000 seats

December 3rd, 05
1:00 pm 4:00 pm

TBD

Equipment list 1 1/14/05
Preliminary outdoor graphics design 1f182?05
Preliminary outdoor design (staging, backdrop for small concert,
resolution tent, collateral tent) 1108/05
Preliminary indoor design {plenary session) I If 1 8/05
Stage design
Corridor design
Preliminary collateral material design 1 if I 8.305
Final equipment list 1 104/05
Final outdoor graphics design a lf22f05
Final outdoor design (staging, backdrop for small concert, resolution
tent, collateral tent) li22r?05
Final indoor design [plenary session) li22l05
Final collateral material design 1/22i?05
Preliminary ?Run of Show? (script) I 11?22a?05
Price List - TBD

2000 Ukrainian Flag
l0,000 Handheld Signs;

(36] Confetti cannons

(36) Confetti streamer cannons

Page 1 1f22f2005

1BU1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000044
DOJSCO-400747365

Narrative:

Con?dential

U.?.3940.67007.pdf

(20] Mylar cannons
Balloon drop
Indoor pyrotechnics
Hats

Scarves

T-shirts

As attendees arrive to the Sports Palace they will be greeted by an
outdoor concert in the plaza of the sports palace. The footprint around
the palace will be draped in the blue and yellow colors of the
Yanukovyeh campaign as well as large format campaign banners. The
banners will be flown from adjacent buildings surrounding the venue
and from rigging points on the palace itself. The plaza will also
contain a ?resolution tent" and several collateral tents. The band will
be a local Ukrainian ?pop" band. Campaign workers will mill
throughout the crowd passing out campaign hats, t-shirts and scarves.

As attendees enter the Sports palace the hallways leading into the
venue will be covered in blue and yellow. We will ?up light" walls,
drape columns and hang banners in all the open areas. These public
areas will also contain food vending areas and campaign music. As
attendees take their seats in the arena those seated on the floor will be
given 2?x3? Ukrainian ?ags and those seated in the stands will get
either a 2?x?3? placard or a 1?s 2? Ukrainian flag. Another local band
will warm up this crowd. The crowd will see an ?Active Video? wall
backdrop. The advantage of using an ?Active Video" backdrop is that
we can change the look and feel of the backdrop several times during
the course of the program by simply projecting a new slide or new
video. We can literally have anything we want as a projected
backdrop whenever we want it. This means that in addition to the hard
wall portion of the backdrop there will be a 25' 19? active video wall
?anked by two 9? 12' IMAQ screens and two tri?wall digital video
screens flown from the ceiling). We have decided to use rear
projection as our central hackdrOp sereen since the resolution is so
much better than digital walls. Large format digital video walls will
only give us a 6mm resolution, which is sharp enough for the
screens. but not sharp enough for the ?tight shot?. A rear screen
projection using a digital prejector will give us sigmi?cantly better
resolution so we can still get a message in the tight shot.

As the program starts the band will leave the stage, the lights will go
down and we will roll a It) minute video highlighting the Ticket.
Following this video one or more ofthe lower ticket candidates will
speak. Following the lower ticket candidates the nominating speech
will be given by (TED) ending with an introduction a 15 minute
?Rally the 'l?roops? video highlighting Victor Yanukovych, the party
and the upcoming campaign. Immediately following the video the
candidate will enter the arena from the rear of the ?oor. to the sound
of the campaign theme song (TED). The candidate will be followed

Page 2 1 [/22/2005

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000045

by a spot light. The candidate will walk along a raised 2? high
walkway right through the middle of the crowd towards the stage,

shaking hands but always visible to the rest of the crowd and the
cameras as he progresses. The only portion ofthe arena lit at this time
is the raised walkway, a path several feet wide of the walkway and the
images from the backdrop and IMAQ screens that will be projecting
his entrance and several follow spots that will be moving through the
crowd highlighting the 2000 Ukrainian ?ags in the audience. Each of
the 20 Mylar cannons, rigged in the ceiling above the walkway, will be
?red ahead of the candidates raining colored Mylar confetti {which
will interact with the lighting above the Walkway) on the candidate as
he shakes hands with supporters en route to the stage.

Once the candidate reaches the stage he will shake hands with fellow
(lower ticket) candidates who will immediately leave the stage. Mr
Yanukovych will continue to acknowledge the crowd and then begin
his Speech. As he begins his Speech the backdrop will reflect a large
._forrnat campaign logo backdrop with a standard wall paper pattern in
the ?tight shoti. Once the Speech progresses Mr. Yanuk ovych will
leave the podimn and begin to move around the stage.

Atthb end of the speech we will one the campaign music, ?re the
. Isitreamcr cannons and have Mrs. Yanukovyeh join him on stage. Once
the two of them have acknowledged the crowd (while the music is still
. playing) the lower ticket candidates and spouses will join them on
stage cued to the firing of the confetti cannons and ?nally the balloon
drop. Following the balloon drop all of the stage participants will ?le
out of the arena on the raised walkway.

Con?dential Page 3 li22z?2005

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000046
0.7.3940.67007.pdf

1 301 O-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000047
0.7.3940.6?00?.pdf DOJSCO-40074T368

To: Paul Manafort

Fr: Tim Unes
Bobby Peede

Re: Victor Yanukovych I

Party Congress Treatment

Dt: 1 1113/05

Location:

Date:

. Theme:

Deliverables:

Collateral Material:

. Confidential

0.?.3940.6700?.pdf

The Sports Palace
City Center
10,000 seats

December 3rd, 05
1:00 pm - 4:00 pm

TBD

Equipment list a 11/l4i?05
Preliminary outdoor graphics design Ill SIDS
Preliminary outdoor design (staging, backdrop for small concert,
resolution tent, collateral tent) 1/13105
Preliminary indoor design (plenary session) ll18i05
Stage design
Corridor design
Preliminary collateral material design I lilSiUS
Final equipment list ?14:05
Final outdoor graphics design 1 1222/05
Final outdoor design (staging: backdrop for small concert, resolution
tent, collateral tent) 1 ?22/05
Final indoor design (plenary session) 1222705
Final collateral material design 1 1122/05
Preliminary ?Run of Show? (script) 1 1/2305
Price List - TED

2000 Ukrainian Flag (2?s3?l
10,000 Handheld Signs

(36) Confetti cannons

(3.6) Confetti streamer cannons

Page i 1i15i2005

1301 AND TRAINING-000048

I:

(20) Mylar cannons
Balloon drop
Indoor pyrotechnics
. l-Iats
Scarves
T-shirts

Narrative: -
As attendees arrive to the Sports Palace they will be greeted by an
outdoor concert in the plaza of the sports. palace. The footprint around
the palace will be draped in the blue and yellow colors ofthe
Yanukovvch campaign as well as large formal campaign banners. The
banners will be flown from adjacent buildings surrounding the venue
and from rigging points on the palace itself. The plaza will also
contain a ?resolution tent? and several collateral tents. The band will
be a local Ukrainian ?pop? band. Campaign workers will mill
throughout the crowd passing out campaign hats, t-shirts and scarves.

As attendees enter the Sports palace the hallways leading into the
venue will be covered in blue and yellow. We will ?up light? walls,
drape columns and hang banners in all the open areas. These public
areas will also contain food vending areas and campaign music. As
attendees take their seats in the arena those seated on the floor will be
given 2?x3? Ukrainian flags and those seated in the stands will get
either a 2?x?3? placard or a 1's 2? Ukrainian l'lag. Another local band
will warm up this crowd. The crowd will see an "Active Video? wall
backdrop. The advantage of using an ?Active Video? backdrop is that

. we can change the look and feel ofthe backdrop several times during
the course of the program by simply projecting a new slide or new
video. We can literally have anything we want as a projected
backdrop whenever we want it. This means that in addition to the hard
wall portion ofthe backdrop there will be a 25? l9? active video wall
(flanked by two 9? it l2" IMAQ screens and two tri-wall digital video
screens ?own from the ceiling). We have decided to use rear
projection as our central backdrop screen since the resolution is so
much better than digital walls. Large format digital video walls will
only give us a 6mm resolution, which is sharp enough for the
screens, but not sharp enough for the ?tight shot?. A rear screen
projection using a digital projector will give us significantly better
resolution so we can still get a message in the tight shot.

As the program starts the band will leave the stage. the lights will go
down and we will roll a ll} minute video highlighting the Ticket.
Following this video one or more ofthc lower ticket candidates will
speak. Following the lower ticket candidates the nominating speech
will be given by (TBD) ending with an introduction a 15 minute
?Rally the Troops? video highlighting Victor Yanukovyeh, the party
and the upcoming campaign. Immediately following the video the
candidate will enter the arena from the rear ofthe floor, to the sound
ofthe campaign theme song (TED). The candidate will be followed

. Con?dential Page 2

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000049
0.7.3940.67007.pdf

by a spot light. The candidate will walk along a raised 2? high

walkway right through the middle of the crowd towards the stage,

shaking hands but always visible to the rest of the crowd and the
. cameras as he progresses. The only portion ofthe arena lit at this time

is the raised walkway. a path several feet wide ofthe walkway and the

images from the backdrop and IMAQ screens that _will be projecting

his entrance and several follow spots that will be moving through the

crowd highlighting the 2000 Ukrainian flags in the audience. Each of

the LEO-Mylar cannons, rigged in the ceiling above the walkway, will be

fired ahead of the candidates raining colored Mylar confetti (which

will interact with the lighting above the walkway) on the candidate as

he shakes hands with supporters en route to the stage.

Once the candidate reaches the stage he will shake hands with fellow
lower ticket) candidates who will immediately leave the stage. Mr
Yanukovyeh will continue to acknowledge the crowd and then begin
his speech. As he begins his speech the backdrop will re?ect a large
format campaign logo backdrop with a standard wall paper pattern in
the ?tight shot?. Once the speech progresses Mr. Yanukovych will
leave the podium and begin to move around the stage.

At the end ofthe speech we will cue the campaign music, ?re the
streamer cannons and have Mrs. Yanukovych join him on stage. Once
the two of them have acknowledged the crowd (while the music is still
playing) the lower ticket candidates and spouses willjoin them on
stage cued to the firing ofthe confetti cannons and ?nally the balloon

. drop. Following the balloon drop all ofthe stage participants will ?le
out ofthe arena on the raised walkway.

. Confidential Page 3 11?152?2005

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000050
0.?.3940.6700?.pdf

700

02d

?git;

gnaw.

.

mum..-

?hiya?gain-I;

EN. 333,.
.Tnmm.ux..m..

.
.

.

5 7

nwwm.

Damon?obwoowba?

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.u-:Jimmakm

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000053
O.?.3940.6700?.pdf


I.
b-

we.
?tsc?b a: ?en-seat

POR Party Congress

Prod uction Costs?"
seamstress: 5? was
Lighting 380 .000 watts of light 160 intelligent lights 50 2 $150 000
Audio 150. 000 watts of sound. 6 separate "line arays" $100000
Prolection Video 12 mm digital video walls. 20. 000 lumen 15' 120' video screns. (30) 60? plasma screens $100000
Backdrop Staging Preexisting stage wlcustorn staging. Hardwall backdrop. separate podiums $40,000
Labor Local set upllear down. ngging $10,000
ESI Fees Project management. execution 50.000
Decor (outside) Exterior building banners - $25000
Design Conceptual, oigital design of main stage and bonding exterior 010.000
Collateral Materials Ukrainian flags. placards. ?rials. scarves . 5530.000
Special Effects Confetti cannons. streamer cannons. mylar cannons. tech consultant $50000

_tEil_.E

-I.

Total Costs: $565,000

1301 O-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000054
0.7.3940.5700?.pdf DOJSCO-400747375

To: Paul Manafort
Fr: Tim Uncs
Bobby Peede

Re: Advance Seminar

Dt: I if 1520:?

Location: Headquaters
Kiev, Ukraine

Date: December 5th, 6th
1:00 pm - 4:00 pm

Deliverables: Advance Seminar PowerPoint Presentation - i/21l?05
Advance Manual - lf29f05

. Collateral Material: Printed Advance Manuals withumb drive

Narrative: ESI will provide Davis Manafort a Powerpoint presentation for the
FOR Advance Seminar for review and approval on November 21,
2005. Once Davis Manafort approves the presentation ESI will
translate and email a copy to TBD Director ofAdvance} for
approval. On November 2005 1381 will provide Davis Manafort
with a copy ofthc Advance Manual for approval. Following this
approval ESI will translate'and print the manual and produce the
thumb drives. On December 29?? ESI will conduct Advance Seminar
?run through" in ESI of?ces in Alexandria, VA for E51 and Davis
Manafort employees.
On December 2005 E81 will conduct Advance Seminar at FOR
Headquarters.

. Con?dential Page I

AND TRAINING-000055

0.T.3940.67007.pdf

if

.- f. "It: EFE: Kiwi}: 353.11 3??th ?1 Hr.-

Event Strategies Inc. Proposal For
Yanukovych Scheduling and Advance Seminars

mask? .11 _ni? a


- Vii?? 11.1" 1.

Create, translatel'produoe [hard copy and eleclronic copy} comprehensive advance manual
Translation costs
Printing coals

S'e 11.?Wm??i??r??wiW
2 person ESI teem conducts 3 separate one day advance seminars {7 days @33 ODD per day)";
Materials

Total Costs: 54? 250

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000056
0.7.3940.6T007.pdf

To: Paul Manafort

Fr: Tim L'nes
Bobby Peede

Re: 1V?ictor Yanukouych fPoR
Bus Trip

Dt:

Location: The Ukraine 1
Date: January 7'h March

H10 pm 4:00 pm

Theme:
Deliverables: Eauipment List 12mm
. Bus Photos llelJ'OS

Bus Contract HESJOS
Bus Shrink Wrap Design

Collateral Material: Placards
Banners
Narrative: ESI is currently in the process ofseeuring one has for of?cals and

candidates and one has for the press and additional staff. Once we
secure and contract for the two buses we will provide Davis Manafort
with preliminary design ofthe artwork for Shrink Wrap. is also in
the process 'of'producing an equipment list offor the three trucks
operated by three ESI advance teams. A week before the tour begins
(.lanuarji,r 7m the ?rst ESI staff members will begin arriving in Kiev'
to conduct Site Surveys ofthe ?rst week ofevents and to assemble the
trucks. By January 15?" all ESI staff will be in place and stationed for

the ?rst events.

ESI will station two representatives in Kiev. One Representative will
conduct site surveys (Monday Thursday) for the next week events.
The second representative will remain. in the Headquarters and act
as Scheduler and main ESI contact in Kiev. The [381 personnel will be

. Con?dential Page 1 1 ?150005

?l 301 O-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000057

O.?.3940.67007.pdf DOJSCO-400747378

split up into three teams. Each team will have one truck, an SUV and
two interpreters. Each team will be selfsufficient in terms of
production abilities (Le. staging, audio, lighting, banners and collateral

. materials). One ESI representative (Bobby Peede) will be stationed
full time on the bus operating as Tour Director.

Every Friday ESI team Leads will meet in Kievto discuss the
upcoming week?s events. Site Surveys and updated schedules will
have been conducted and distributed to the teams. New message
banners for the upco:ning week will be distributed. Additions,
foreseeable problems, changes and improvements will be discussed.
From? there the three teams will move into position for the upcoming
week?s events- On Monday morning, Bobby will board the bus and
begin that week?s tour.

Upon arrival at each site the bus should be able to pull up directly to
the back ot'the stage (acting as a backdrop) for outdoor events. For
indoor events we should look for a way to pull the bus into the venue
if at all possible. If not, the bus will pull up to a secondary entrance,
selected by the advance staff. Every aspect of?the program and
production should be ready upon the Leader?s arrival. The candidate
will be escorted to the Holding room and then directly to the stage for
the off- stage announcement. Following each program the candidate
will work the rope line and depart en route for the next event, where
an team will be waiting. Each day one DTR (offthe record) event
should be held.

. Con?dential Page 2 1 lea/2005

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000058
0.7.3940.67007.pdf DOJSCO-400747379

stile

Proposal For 10 Week

@0300 FEE

Yanukovych Advance Operation/120 Events

61

k0 11300000000

Bus Rental Cost

Bus, maintenance, fuel and driver

$20,000

$42,500

$110,000

Bus Shrink Wrap Costs

one time only cost for design. application and removal

$25, 000

$25,000

$25,000

Bus Catering Costs

Food and beverage for bus

$1,250

$5,000

$12,000

Bus Sateiite Broadband System

One time only cost broadband tor bus

$20,000

$20,000

$20,000

wg?ngTm?

sea 51-1.? IizAd

ms "is? 05?

LI if?? 3,3;

Tour Director

Based in Ukraine through the duration at the campaign

040, 000

$100,000

3 Advance Teams [3 per team}

3 person teams a Lead Site Press {55,000}

$190,000

$495,000

War Room

ESI staffed War Room lor Planning and Logistics {Alexandria}

$10,000

$25,000

as r"

HEM: .

Audio

3 separate audio systems i250 - 3,000 person events {120 events}

$1?,000

$60, 000

$170,000

Lighting

3 separate lighting systems ltelevision quality lighting i120 extents)

$4,200

$10,000

$42,000

Staging

3 separate main stages, 3 separate press risers (120 events)

53.000

514,400

$30,000

Decor

300? of blue velour drape, 500' of crowo barriers, large format printing

$1000

520.000

$?0,000

AN, lighting technicians

3 m, lighting techs per team it 3 teams )t 10 weeks

$33,500

$134,000

$335,000

Local Labor

3 iaborers?per site @0100 {120 events}

$2.400

$9,500

324 .000

Box Trucks

3 box trucks for 10 weeks

34, 500

$10,000

$45,000

Radios

Advance team communications

57'50

3,000

H.500

Power Genemtor

3 generators

500

$10,000

345.000

Collateral Material

TED

T0030:

im?h

Total Costs:

$13,017

$205,300

$650,300

$1

0.?.3940.6?007.pdf

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000059

Paul Manafort

Fr: Tim Unes
Bobby Peede

Re: Questions for

Dt:

The following are questions that in a perfect world) we would like to get answers for in the next 48
hours.

Pargy Congress:

- Green light on venue - Sports Palace (city center, good venue) .
- Green light on budget - $750,000 10% contingency
:1 Lighting

Audio

Projection

Decor

Staging

Labor

0 Fees -

Division of responsibility between Event Strategies, inc. (E81) and Edward?s event planners
my SenSe is that Edward's people would be happy to provide equipment and to keep an
on us. We should try to avoid any arrangement that requires us to get your okay and
their okay on production. There isn enough time to get sign offon everything from them
A sense of how much lea way we should give them on markups

- Prel 1minary program information so we can start writing the Line by Line (tecthtaging
script)

00000

Advance Seminar:

A scheduled date preferably just after the Party Congress December 5"1 or 6th
A commitment of between 10 and 20 campaign staffz?volunteers they would like to take part
in the seminar and learn advance

. Con?dential Page 1 I omens-s

1301 AND TRAINING-000060
U.?.3940.67007.pdf

Bus Tour:

- Same questions on green light, budget and oversight as the Party Congress:

- Division of responsibility between an Edward?s event planners my sense is
thatEdward?s people would be happy to provide equipment and to keep an on
. us. We should try to avoid any arrangement that requires us to get your okay and
their okay on production. There isn?t enough time to get sign off on everything from
them

0 A sense ofhow much lea way should we give them on markups
- ESI scheduler in campaign headquarters in Kiev
- Interpreters on each of the 3 or 4 E31 trucks
- Are we producing a two event day directly following the Campaign Roll Out Week {larger
events on that week) growing to a three event day

. Con?dential Page 2 1m

'4
1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000061
0.T.3940.67007.pdf

GNV LUEL

80d


ONV

. To: Vasily Dzharty. Edouard Prutnik
CC Pavel Burlakov
BCC SH, YK, Anton BVK
Fr: Paul Manafort, Phil Griffin
Tim Unes
Bobby Peede

Re: Advance Seminar

Dt: I If] 5:05

Location: Headquarters
Kiev, Ukraine
Date: December 5th. 6th
1:00 pm 4:00 pm
Deliverables: Advance Seminar PowerPoint Presentation [1401/05
. Advance Manual
Collateral Material: Printed Advance Manuals wirhumb drive
Narrative: ESI will provide Davis Manafort a Powerpoint presentation

for the Advance Seminar for review and approval on
November 2005. Once Davis Manafort approves the
presentation will translate and email a copy to Pavel
Burlakov for approval. On November 2005 135] will
provide Davis Manafort with a copy of the Advance Manual
for approval. Following this approval ESI will translate
and print the manual and produce the thumb drives. On
November 29?? 1281 will conduct Advance Seminar ?run
through" in ESI of?ces in Alexandria, VA for E31 and
Davis Manafort employees.

On December 2005 E51 will conduct Advance Seminar
at POR Headquarters.

Location: Headquaters
Kiev, Ukraine

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000064
0.7.3940.67004.pdf

. Date: December 5th, 61h
1:00 pm 4:00 pm

Deliverables: Advance Seminar PowerPoint Presentation - 11!? U05
Advance Manual

Collateral Material: Printed Advance Manuals with'umb dri ve

1BD10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000065
0.?.3940.6?004.pdf DOJSCO-400747299

Introduction

- Welcome and Overview

- What is Event Strategies. inc?
- Today?s Presentation

- Questionstiscussions

3?1
bAE-Sfja -

Elffl'r-jgj















ESI . ESI

"Advance' 533:6
Communications Cement-.5.
- Wnrhed on
23013-1 L45
Elections
Produce Cen'mences
Cenveribone and Spat-Le!
Events. for Carma-mums.
Assoc-aligns an: US

"nevanee? EQSED
Corrvnunlcahcms Company

Worked on 1935. 2099.
200?- UE. Presl?enual

Produce Conferences.
Conventions and See-mat
Eve PE. t-nr Ccrpomuans.
Assailauens aria U5
Government

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000056
O.T.3940.67004.pdf DOJSCO-400747300

introduction

- Today's Presentation
The Art of the Picture
Scheduling
Press Advance
- Motorcades
Hotel and Baggage Operations
Basic Production
Checkliste

The Art of The Picture

- "Picture Story Headline" Concept - The
Message

- Do Something
- Camera Angles

r'r Air-rein r1 nun-The Picture

- ?Picture Story Headline? Concept
Every event tells a story
The best way to convey the message is through
targeted visuais
- Decide what story you want the event to teit
Deciee whet headline you want the event to produce
Deeign the event to oroduce that headline

- "Just when your such of hearng the message :5 when
it starts Sinking in"? Michael Deaver

The Art of The Picture

- Picture Story-
Headtine Concept
- Senator Dole arrives in
San Diego

Senator Dole is going
to the Whrte house

1BD10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000067

0.?.3940.6?004.pdf DOJSCO-400747301

The Art of The Picture

Picture Story
Headline Concept

F52 I'Emmf [its Mimi-1 "?rm H'pr- Mfg: .-

The Art of The Picture

- Camera Angles
Feur Basic: Shot?5
- Head On
- Cuthway Snot
- Buffer Shut
. Over the Shoulder

it, .
U. .

O.7.3940.67004.pdf

The Art of The Pictur



- Do Samething

Don't juststand at a
podium
- People remember

The Art of The Picture

- Camera Angles
-- Head
Establishing Shot
- Tight Shot
- Wallpaper
- Message

l?rI-pl-n-L-Lum






1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000063

The Art of The Picture The Art of the Picture


- Camera Angles:
-- Buffer

- Camera Angles;
?Cut Away" Platform
- 45% angle

The Art of the Picture Scheduling

sir-9
- Guidelines

Procedure

- Camera Angles:
Over tne Shaulder

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000069
O.7.3940.67004.pdf

Scheduling Scheduling

Guidelines (cont'n):

Always take Leader to private hold before even:
Raview Slte Survey Report wilh Leader in hold

Introduce new surge panimpa his to Leader in off-

GUldElil?lESi
- Schadula no more than lnreri DUDIIE Evanlb? Dar ?ay
- Maire the Dismal Event of :he day a rum-morning evenl
- Euim "jar;- tlig even: arolund the Message ol lhEl Day and (he




Picture Story Heaullne concept ll] ans urn goal] pnolo 51393 announce EH33
Prugram should we Ecl'eduled law no mum. man 5-0 mlnutascln - Restricl media comacl to scheduled Medla

WM Avauabililies. Pre$s Conferences and scheduled
Schedule prlvare nola time tor one naur even.- Dne-?n-On? ln gwiew5
- Pro-Allie Leader orwale meal Ilme

1 Augmenl Ina daily schedule will: Off The
Recur?s lDTR'sl

491111.?

3 .9 -n
.- JvrQ-l .

Schedulin?m'

Procedures [cont?djlz
.. Show on Stage Area
.- 5l'1-7'H' Plush Flrsur
Eli-1M Cul ?may _F-h er
a Show _Dl;ll.l0l15
5y -
Produce Evenl $38 ?3ng {Tam?l 15:53.
1 Pruduce Schedule If






- Cunrjucl Slip. Survey {tab
- Site Survra'y Report

Ever-I Man - Schedules shouln be Wliu??dto one minute Increments.
"?mE?L?eWaqts . Schadule shnuld cantain all
.. Show Slag:

-- Shaw hn'?ng morn

Scheduler shun-d contain all program

1BD1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000070
U.?.3940.67004.pdf

Press Advance Press Advance
- Medra Advrsory .
Who, what, when, where ?my - Press advance Site Requrrements {cont
. Press Advance Site Reqmrements ?95"?9
Press Rider and Press Areas Audra
Press Entrances and Exits 30"
Press Parking madam-sis
- Telephones. Internet Connecunn Press Pool
Power Press Filmg Center
Backdrops - High Speed truarner
Esco?fdr Over the Shouider Shots - Phones
v.1 a Si] $.29:Press Advance Motorcade Advance

. Procedures (cont'd):

- Motorcade
Fran. Conun-
Press Filing Cenler

:3

- Catering
. Event
(iamaagn Press Swnesoarsan

l'I

AND TRAINING-000071
0.?.3940.67004.pdf

Hotel Advance

- Selecting the Hotel
- Hotel Requirements
Room Prop

- HoielArnval

- Baggage Call

- Check Om

Tflf?
. ..

Hotel Advance

the Hotel (cont'o):
PDIIHCBI Af?liatiOn of [humor
High speed internal capability
No olhe: campa-gns on site during stay
Repuxa?on
- Creature Comfons
- Lalo right mom semen:
- Late {Overnight} Dry Cleaning
Catering
Event Ploymlon
Campaign Press Spokoapucsun

Hotel Advance

- Selecting the Hotel:

AvailabilitviSpace

Wimngness to accommodala campaygn needs
. Spec?al rooms
- Samefloo:
- Press. Lung came:
- Group check out

- Proximity to even: one

- Ease olmovemem

Hotel Advance

- Hotel Regulrements:
Two room soile- l'cr loader
- calls. blamed - revou'e to hav?log Me's mom
- 'ravi-Jlng rude HEKE door
- Leaders room IEDIHIUU fro'n alevalor wellsI and ICE machines
Sen-not sla? or-same ?cords. Leads:
5131?! of?co on farms Flour
- had;
- Aid vxlra ??93
- aw Fax ?no
- Prom cop-B?s
?wo

[a ?ea-r?

O.?.3940.67004.pdf

..

AN TRAINING-000072

Hotel Advance Hotel Advance
Room Prep:

Two hours belore motorcade arrival advance learn
checks. In all rooms and gets all keys (passed oul
upon arrival of motorcade]

- Leader's room chetked

. Waler
Heat

Hotel Requirements {Cont'd):
- Press room on a dillererll floor
Large
Calormg
- Medla baggage tall

- Talev-s-on
. W-relesa Internal
Room us: in each room
- Nexl cave Schedule In eacn room

rum-Tm
. i r. 4? . 4.3 Plrlawg
. ..

Hotel Advance Hotel Advance
- Room Prep (com'd): - Hotel Arrival:
Baggage call HOUSE 10 E3511 [00m Leader escorted In room Immediately
- Miscellaneous Info in each room staff keys in staff of?ce

- Elm.l clean-?g Inlo

- Staff baggage delivered to staff rooms
F-?clorr. service we:

Final sauntdown meeting in staff room 30 minutes
after arrival
- Baggage call
- Bags should be loll oulside door 20 minutes before
hole-I deoanure - advance staff will pick up and
deliver bags to buses

ea'rm

r?
I. ..

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000073
0.?.3940.6T004.pdf DOJSCO-400747307

Hotel Advance
Hotel Arrival:
Leader escorted to room immediately
Staff keys in sta? of?ce
Stalf baggage delivered to stat-l rooms

- Final cauntdown meeting in ?la? room 30
after arrival

. Baggage call

- Bags should be left outmde door 20 minutes before
notet departure advance start wull pack up and
delwer bags to buses

Basic Production Techniques

Audio
- Setting up audto for an event [Cont'dt
- Types of microphones
. Lavalere r?n:

Dmm-dlracL-onul
Shot gun rrI'Ic.

flrv" I

0.7.3940.67004.pdr

Production
- Audio
Setting no audio for an event
MIC
- Paar pattern

- Multoox
- feedback pat-tame
- 505'. pmcticco
- Acoustic feedback loops

Basic Production Techniques

- Audit)

Setting up audio for an event {Cont'd}

Glossary of Terms
- AmonemNmse
-
. Automated m'u: mixer
Bass -,
- Compressor ,1
- Crust-acre: :5
- Dead snot
Dustumon

AN

Basic Production Techniques

Audio
- Setting up audio for an event {Cont'd}
- Gtossary of Terms

- EQ

- Fade:

- remissionsuppxesso:

- Fluner

- Frcqucnqr

- Gum

- Gmund'lnop

lit-L:

Basic Production Techniques

. Audio

Setting no audio for an event [Comm

- Glossary of Terms
- Reverse-ration
4
- Slgna. lo noise ratio
Snake
Sound pressuruflavu! .-
- Splitter ?25%
- Timbru

r1 o?Tl?

FIND ll.
r-n

O.7.3940.67004.pdf

Basic Production Techniques

- Audio
1 Setting up audio Ior an event {Cont'di
Glues-aw at Terms
- LED
. Lino Save:
- Master
. Mn: Minus
. Fan Control
- Phantom Power
-




Basic Production Techniques

Audio
- Sorting up audio for an event (Cont'di
- Sinesary of Terms
. ca?trnl
- Treole
- LJilra somc
Gam
- Volt
- Watt
- Wavelength


a 91151

1O

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-OODDTS

Basic Production Techniques

- Lighting
- Setting up ?ghting {or an evenl

Throw

. Lighting intensity {root candles}

.

- Shadow aundance

- Color iomperoturc

- Times ofrighting
- a:

asic Production Techniques

Lighting (cont'd)
Lighting terrmnology
- chlienum
Focus
- Follow spot
-
- Fresnel spoil-unto
- Ciel

Basic Production Techniques

Lighting {conl'd)
Lighting lerminology

- Control board

- Dawight?iiers

- Dead snot

- Dimmnr

- Fil light

Basic Production Techniques

- Lighting {cm-it'd}
- Lignling lerm'noiogy
omen

- Scoop
- Scrirn
- Snot

Throw

lEiStii]

f'l


11

AND TRAINING-000076

0.?.3940.67004.pdf DOJSCO-4ODT4TS1O

Basic Production Techniques Checklists
- Initial trip conceal:
- Lighting {cant?dl - Pre?rrip checklist:

Lighting terminology Survey Checklist:
. Ambientlinnl . -
- Advance learn preparatisns.
- earn Door Airport arrivals and departures
993?? - Selecting event sites
- Canalapewer
-Cc 3rlemperarure ., Preparing evenlsdes

Building the local organization .

r'I rte-rum

?x
p; '35 Tint?"13-

Checklists

Checklists lcont'cl);

- (3de raising

. Press advance checklists
- Molorcades

- Hotel overnight checklist
- Peat auent checklist

12

1BO10-ADVANCE AND
O.7.3940.6T004.pdf

Suggestion as to the scenario of the Party of the region?s
8th congress

. I suggest to make use of the emotional moments which
would generally evoke positive feelings and emphasize the
inheritance of both our party?s and the leader?s politics. We
need to create an emotional ?thread? linking last year?s
autumn with this year?s autumn. We need to demonstrate we
are keeping to the chosen track consistently, calmly and self-
assuredly, ever relying on the support of the people which
have always been and will stay with us. The good means to
help achieve this goal could be a rally organized on the
square in front of Kyiv Central Railway Station. It is upon
this very square that 30 thousand coalminers were standing
at this time a year ago. They were ready to answer the first.
call of the leader and challenge Kyiv. But the leader didn?t
appeal to any aggressive moves then, and therefore no

. bloodshed occurred. It is this fact that has laid a foundation
for the prospects of future peaceful victory at the
parliamentary elections this spring. That is why it would be
largely opportune to start the crucial congress of the Party
with a symbolic rally at the square in front of Kyiv Central
Railway Station. There the leader would say that our political
force has demonstrated wisdom last year and prevented
bloodshed. And today, ??om this place, we appeal to the
people to proceed peacefully t0wards victory. It would be
worth to invite several miners-participants of the last year?s
rally to address the public, and to have those politicians,
which were then with the miners, on the stage. And those
singers which sang for the miners then would sing now. This
event could be prepared in a very moving fashion. This

. would stir up the emotions. The rally needs to bebroadcast
the same way it was'broadcast then live on TRC ?Ukraine"

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000078
0.?.3Q4D.67004.pdf

(if possible on other channels as well). The culmination of
the event would have to be the appeal to walk the streets of
Kyiv peacefully, heading to the Cabinet of Ministers?

. building, to the place where last year the miners? blue-and-
white tents stood. There the people would lay down the
?owers, sing and peacefully disperse. The songs and slogans
need to be peaceful.

.?Right after this the Show may continue in the Sports
Palace.

1BO10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000079
0.?.3940.87004.pdf

A

WEI-

JUL SHH

BLELPZUOVOOSFOCI
GNV I-OEL

The Shareholder?s Advance Operation Treatment
. The Ukraine

January - March 2005

The Company handling Advance and Scheduling for the campaign will dedicate a four person team
to Kiev in the beginning of January to plan and conduct all Shareholder ?advance" operations. The
team will consist of a Scheduler. a ?Tour Director" who will travel with the Shareholder and two
?site? advancemen.

Our Scheduler will be stationed at the Davis Manafort Headqualtem in Kiev. This person's job will
be to conduct the day to day scheduling operation for the Shareholder. This person will meet with
Paul Manafort on a dailyr basis and act as the main contact for the Shareholders scheduling
operation. This person will be responsible for production of all schedules and event treatments for
the Shareholder.

The Tour Director will travel with the Shareholder and manage the day to day operations of the
tour. The Tour Director will check in with Paul Manafort daily from the road and conduct
countdown meetings when he is in Kiev. The Tour Director will manage the two in
the field.

The advancemen will conduct all site surveys for the Shareholder?s schedule and execute all
advance operations. Since the teams are not traveling with a truck, the advancemen will be

. responsible for identifying and securing all production equipment locally. They will meet once a
week in Kiev (possibly Friday) to review the upcoming week's schedule and evaluate the past
weeks performance with the Tour Director and Scheduler.

Confidential Page 1

1BO1D-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000032
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. To: Vasily Dzhtu?ty, Edouard Prutnilt
CC Pavel Burlakov
BCC SH, YK. Anton BVK

Fr: Paul Manafort. Phil Griffin

Tim Unes
Bobby Peede
Re: Victor Yanukovych fPoR
Bus Trip
Dr: 111' 1 SIDS
Location: The Ukraine
Date: January 15Eh March 25
. Theme: Making Your Life Better TODAY
Deliverables: Equipment List 12/9f05
Bus Photos - 111?21f05
Bus Contract
Bus Shrink Wrap Design 12/0305
Collateral Material: Placards
Banners
Narrative: is currently in the process of securing one bus for The Leader and
candidates and one bus for the press and additional staff. Once we
secure and contract for the two buses we will provide Davis Manafort
with preliminary design of the artwork for Shrink Wrap. ESI is also in
the process of producing an equipment list of for-the three trucks
operated by three ESI advance teams. A week before the tour begins
(January )the first ESI staff members will begin arriving in Kiev
to conduct Site Surveys of the ?rst week of events and to assemble the
trucks. By January 15th all ESI staff will be in place and stationed for
the first events.
. ESI will station two representatives in Kiev. One Representative will
conduct site surveys (Monday Thursday} for the next week events.
The second representative will remain in the Headquarters and act
Confidential Page 1 11f22f2005

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as Scheduler and main ESI contact in Kiev. The 1351 personnel will be
split up into three teams. Each team will have one truck, an SUV and

. two interpreters. Each team will be self sufficient in terms of
production abilities (Le. staging, audio, lighting, banners and collateral
materials}. One ESI representative (Bobby Peede) will be stationed
full time on the bus operating as Tour Director.

Every Friday team Leads will meet in Kiev to discuss the
upcoming week?s events. Site Surveys and updated schedules will
have been conducted and distributed to the teams. New message
banners for the upcoming week will be distributed. Additions,
foreseeable problems, changes and improvements will be discussed.
From there the three teams will move into position for the upcoming
week?s events. On Monday morning, Bobby will board the bus and
begin that week?s tour.

Upon arrival at each site the bus should be able to pull up directly to
the back of the stage (acting as a backdrop) for outdoor events For
indoor events we should look for a way to pull the bus into the venue
if at all possible. If not, the bus will pull up to a secondary entrance.
selected by the E81 advance staff. Every aspect of the program and
production should be ready upon the Leader?s arrival. The candidate
will be escorted to the Holding room and than directly to the stage for
the off- stage announcement. Following each program the candidate

. will work the rope line and depart en route for the next event, where
an ESI team will be waiting. Each day one OTR [off the record) event
should be held.

Confidential Page 2 li?22/2005

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IVHJ. CINV

-T

SOWEIW

md'goozg'uvsero
UNV

To:

Paul Manafort. Tim Unes. Bobby Peede

From: Lee Avrashov

. CC: Konstantin Kilimnik. Philip Griffin. Christian Ferry
Date: December 9, 2005
Subject: Advance Group Details

Actual HQ advance group consists of tvvo people:

1.
2.

Director Stanislav V. Skubashevsky
Deputy Director Alexander N. Drda

The advance process works in the following way:

1

to

9.

AnalysiszesearchJ'S trategic Department sends a recommendation to the Advance Group on the
regionr'city to be visited (however. according tolhe head of the department. Vitaly
that is not the case. According to him. a regional HQ sends the invitation to the Leader and to the
Director of Advance.)

The invitation is then analyzed by Alexander Orda. who calls the regional HQ and starts
preparing the advance trip. Meanwhile. the regional HQ develops a proposal.

When Mr. 0rda travels to the region to prepare the trip. he analyzes whether the event. to which
the leader been invited, fits within goals. The proposal by the regional HQ includes such
aspects as which stops are going to be made and where are they going to be made. what people
will be in the crowd and which will be allowed to meet with the leader. meetings with the Part3.r
activists. explanation of the party goals. etc.

Next. Mr. Orda goes to and examines the proposed venues.
Once the advance report is complete. it goes to the Advance Director. Mr. Skubashevskv.
Mr. Skubashevsky finalizes the advance report and forwards it to the Leader.

If the Leader decides not to go to the region, it is back to square one. If he does. then the trip is
set for the specific dates. determined by his schedule (sometimes controlled by his personal
assistanu'scheduler Dimitry Karakai).

At this point. the Advance Group starts coordinating with the Leader?s Press Service (Anna
German and Darina Kosolapova). the security department and with Mr. Demianko's Legistics
Department. The Logistics Department is located at the Leader HQ and is the one responsible for
the transportation. hotels. communications and the security an?angements. The Logistics
Department assures that the vehicles for the leader {they are usually driven to the region the night
before} are deployed at the proper place at the proper ti tne. the hotels are appropriate. etc.

Upon arrival of the leader at the designed point (airport. border of the region. etc.) he is met by
the representatives of the regional HQ. My understanding is that by then the advance
representatives are gone.

This is the present state of the ad vancc organization. It appears. that the majority of the advance support
personnel are actually part of the Logistics Department. The actual Advance Team consists of only two

people.

0.7.3940.67005.pdf

1BD10-ADVANCE AND TRAINING-000037
6

Exhibit FF

Executive Summary

BD1O-I5JM POLITICAL PRESENTATION-000001
0.7.39401631911pdf

1BO10-PJM POLITICAL PRESENTATION-000002
01394063191.pr

. MEMORANDUM

To: Rinat
From: Paul Manafort
Date: June 9, 2005
Subject: Executive Summary

This Report summarizes the results of the National Demographic Survey and Political
Audit that were conducted in April and May. The Report presents an analysis of the
?ndings of the Survey and Audit; the development of a strategic framework for the 2006
elections and; the recommendations for achieving these electoral goals. Also set out in
the full reports are timcframes for the key decisions that must be taken upon the
acceptance of the analysis.

1) EXECUTIVE SUNINIARY

The successful presidential campaign of Victor Yushehenko was framed around the

theme of?refonn" and the ?need for a change?. He was able to ride the tide of anger and

frustration on the part of the Ukrainian electorate to victory notwithstanding the relative
. economic prosperity that the was experiencing.

In analyzing the election results. too much emphasis has been placed on the regional
divide of the Russian-speaking enclaves of the East and South and the Ukrainian regions
of the center and west. Yushchenko?s victory was primarily conceived on the populist
foundation of ?time for a change". the need to ?end corruption", the demand to end
favoritism and the creation of a government that was based on the right of the people to
centre] their government.

A careful analysis of the election results, as viewed through the findings of our survey.
clearly shows that the Ukrainian public, including key elements of the electorate that
comprised the core of the Yushchenko victory, while saying that they Wanted to look to
the west were not demanding a dramatic philosophical change in the role of government.
What the electorate was demanding was a change in the way in which governing is
conducted and the application of law that is equal for all. not just a few chosen ones.

Given the popularity of the Yushchenko Goverrunent, the unpopularity of the Party of
Regions throughout most of Ukraine. the negative appeal of the leader of the Party and
the issue agenda of the electorate. the range of options is signi?cantly limited. However,
these limited options do present us with some solid opportunities.

In analyzing the popularity of the various Ukrainian political parties, the most obvious
. fact is that the President?s popularity is clearly transferred to his party. Our Ukraine.

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. Signi?cant in our survey is the fact that nomithstanding the personal appeal of Prime
Minister, Julia Timoshenko and her job approval. her Party Bloc has not bene?ted
signi?cantly.

The Socialist Party-is virtually the only patty in a position to take advantage of thelany
erosion in the popularity of the governing parties. Its success will depend on how it
constructs its strategy and communicates its message. Notwithstanding this positioning,
the Socialist Party does not appear to appreciate the opportunity or be organized to reap
any oftlte bene?ts of it.

in its current form there are dramatic limitations to the upside potential ofthe Party of
Regions to attract new voters beyond its regional and ethnic base in the timeframe
necessary.

The National Survey tested the appeal of Yanukovich as a candidate for Prime Minister
in 2006. An overwhelming majority said that they would not like to see
Yanukovich as Prime Minister ever again. This viewpoint is consistent throughout the
country with a plurality of voters in region saying ?no? to his candidacy.

Consequently, the ability of Yanukovieh to help lead a campaign against the current
administration will not only fail, but it will never gain any traction. Additionally. it
carries the potential to destroy the Party of Regions if he is presented as its leader in the

. elections.

2) REC ONIMLEDATIONS

Reorganiring the Party of Regions must begin with the replacement oFthe Leader of the
Party.

A replacement program to select a new Party Leader must occur immediately. The means
by which the change occurs isjust as critical to the success of the replacement as is the
identity of the successor. The candidate should be from the South or Southeast regions
and ideally have limited association with the previous government.

Organizational rte-structuring of the Party of Regions must also occur. The restructuring
will focus on:

I. the training of the regional political leaders,

2. infusing leadership with updated political methods. communications tools and
materials to work with party leaders and voters.

3. the development of a program of new ideas to offer a credible alternative to the
voters, and

4. the revising of the image of the Party.

Beyond reorganizing the regional of?ces. a focus needs to be placed on improving the
. communications between the Party Central HQ and the regions and the regional of?ces

{a

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. and the voters. The training program will include development of materials on all
necessary political organizing and voter contact and training of the leadership on how to
effectively use the materials.

3) DEVELOPING THE ELECTORAL STRATEGY FOR THE
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

Even accomplishing the objectives of the re-structuring of the organization and image of
the Party, it will be near impossible to conduct a national campaign to capture control of
the Parliament based primarily on the Party of Regions political appeal. The Report
presents three options for an election strategy:

0 Building a Minority Coalition Option

0 Running Alone Option

I The ?Big Deal" Coalition
Some of these options seem more realistic to achieve than others but in assessing the
seemingly impossibility of accomplishing these objectives it is important to realize that

the impossible can come true if planned correctly. executed and ?nanced ef?ciently and
promoted correctly.

. All of the options presented should be thoroughly considered. The decisions on the core
recommendations must in the next few weeks in order that we may embark on the ?Re-
organization Phase" as discussed in the full document.

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. I. Overview

The purpose of this Report is to set out the ?ndings from the Benchmark demographic
survey that was conducted in May, 2005 and the Audit of the Ukraine political scene that
was conducted in April and May of this year.

The assignment was to identify the current state of the electorate as relates to the new
Administration and to their priorities and expectations and analyze the relative state of
capabilities of the Party of Regions as a viable force to contest the Parliamentary
elections of 2006.

This document is meant to provide a road map for activity over the course of the next 3
months. This road map needs to focus on what needs to be done in order to be a viable
participant in the 2006 elections. The studies had no presuppositions as to the issues,
priorities, or even the political vehicles and leaders that need to be central to any
successful efforts.

The framework ofthis Report will present our ?ndings in a building block format. It shall
?rst analyze the priorities of the electorate, its expectations of the new Government, its
perceptions of the key Governing Coalition Parties and leaders. With this analysis in
place, the Report will then turn to an analysis of the Party of Regions as a viable political
force, credible opposition party and potential electoral challenger.

. With the framework in place, the Report will discuss several strategic options for the
remainder of 2006 and the actions that will be required to construct a credible political
force and several options to create a ?winning coalition" in the Parliamentary elections.
In this section, the Report will identify the foundation for the political program, several
options on building a coalition and what needs to be done to make those options viable,
and ?nally a timetable to do what is necessary to be credible in 2006. These
recommendations will incorporate plans for training of leaders, media strategy and how
to use the RADA legislative sessions to enhance the political strategy.

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Findings of Surveys and
Politicai Audit

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. II. Findings of the National Demographic Survey and Political Audit

1. The Reason for Ynskehenko?s Election

The successful presidential campaign of Victor Yushchenlto was framed around the
theme of ?reform? and the ?need for a change?. He was able to ride the tide of anger and
frustration on the part of the Ukrainian electorate to victory notwithstanding the relative
economic prosperity that the country was experiencing.

Normally, the candidate of an incumbent party presiding over a strong economy with
optimistic forecasts of future growth and investment can expect to be elected handily. For
the electorate to reject such a candidate, powerful forces need to be at work.
Yushehenko?s victory was even more incredible when one analyzes the relative
disorganization of the coalition managing the campaign and the lack of any consistent
election program other than ?throw the bums out". In fact. there was little idealogical
cohesion among the disparate parties enveloped under the umbrella of the ?Orange
Revolution".

In analyzing the election results. too much emphasis has been placed on the regional
divide of the Russian?speaking enclaves of the East and South and the Ukrainian regions
of the center and west. In fact, even those electoral breaks can be seen to be driven by
whether the region was represented by the Kuchma Government or not a part of the
governing elite. Yushchenlto?s victory was entirely conceived on the populist foundation

. of ?time for a change", the need to ?end corruption". the demand to end favoritism and
the creation of a government that was based on the right of the people to control
government.

A careful analysis of the election results, as viewed through the ?ndings of our survey,
clearly shows that the Ukrainian public, including key elements of the electorate that
comprised the core of the Yushchenko victory, while saying that they wanted to look to
the west were not demanding a dramatic philosophical change in the role of government.
In fact. strong segments of the Yushchenlto electorate have the same views on the role of
government as those sections that supported Yanukovitch. What the electorate was
demanding was a change in the way in which governing-is conducted and the application
of law that is equal for all, notjust a few chosen ones. The attraction to the US and
Europe was based more on the desire for freedoms of those places more than on any
philosophical attraction.

The signi?cance ofthis ?nding is that the only successful strategy to compete against the
Yushchenko Coalition cannot be constructed on a foundation of competing regions. The
only way for the losers in the Presidential race to improve their standing in the 2006
Parliamentary elections is to build a strategy that expands the demand for reform and
demonstrates that the current Government is acting in the same fashion as its predecessor
and is not delivering on its campaign promises, notwithstanding its rhetoric. One must
seek to out-refonn the reformers.

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In developing this strategy, the program must be built block by block. Currently, such

. claims would fail, even though they are true. This is because the public has not yet
liceome disillusioned with the new Government nor has the opposition enunciated its
views on reform. The good news is that the ?elites? of Ukaine and the region are
beginning to question the ability of the current government to accomplish its goals and
they will be useful and necessary tools to any successful effort.

2. The Priorities ofrhe Ukraine Electorate Today

Before constructing any campaign plan it is important to know what the people of
Ukraine want from its Govermnent. The mood today is very optimistic.

Today, Ukrainians have a very positive attitude about the direction ofthe country. 59% of
the people believe the country is heading in the right direction with only 26% saying
wrong direction. Every region of the country, except the South, believes this to be true
with the positive views being strongest in Kyivf'i??i'?) and in the When
analyzed demographically, there are no signi?cant differences based on age, gender or
education. Only when viewed on a class basis does a slight difference emerge with 60%
of Middle Class and a Working lClass believing the direction is right while only 49% of
the Poor believe this to be true. Other than the poor, only the ethnic Russian segment
holds a differing viewpoint with 36% saying right direction and 47% saying wrong
direction. It is important to note that when viewed through the party identi?cation prism,
those who associate with the Party of Regions differing from all other parties in believing
. the country is heading in the wrong direction.

Believing the country is headed in the right direction, the electorate we polled also
believes that in the next 6 months life in the Ukraine is going to get better and that their
personal situation will also improve. his expectation is fundamental to the political
strategy that we will need to develop, the social and economic program we promote and
the timing in which we surface the program.

The public is very clear on how they expect to see a better life. It is because they believe
that with a fundamental change in the framework of society the govemment will be better
able to create an economic, social and legal environment that will improve their lives.
The national survey found an overwhelming expectation by the Ukrainian voters that
their new government demonstrate a deep and abiding commitment to creating a rule of
law for Ukraine and to ensure that Ukraine remains a uni?ed nation. This attitude drives
their expectations. Creating a ?rule of law" for Ukraine is universally viewed as the most
important priority for the government with virtually no difference in the level of
importance attached to this priority based on geography, age, education level, or socio-
economic status.

Again, it is important to note that only Russian nationals, voters in the South and Krym,

Donetskaya and Luganskaya Oblasts, and Party of Region supporters have a

disproportionate response to the priorities expressed by the rest of the electorate. This
. will be important when we analyze our election prospects and opportunities.

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. Within this atmosphere, the voters expect and are demanding that Government focus on
policies that ?strengthen their personal ?nancial situation?, which they define as keeping
prices stable while keeping unemployment low and raising their standard of living
(meaning wages and pensions). These are micro-economic expectations-issues that drive
their daily lives. The public is focused on macro-economic issues such as re-
privatization or trade or the ?scal policy of the new administration

Our national survey presented voters with 15 different options for government to focus its
economic policies. The voters fixated on 2 speci?c issues raising the standard of living
and preventing unemployment from increasing. These two policies were viewed as the
top priorities in every region of the country and among almost every segment of the
electorate. The only notable exception was in Kyiv where the voters were very emphatic
that the number one priority must be to ?crack down on corruption". The signi?cance of
this ?nding must be factored into our strategy. The people are focused on pocketbook
issues but the media centered in Kyiv will be feeling the pressure of voters with a
different agenda corruption. We will need to be sensitive to the reform motivation that
the elites will believe. because of where they live. is the most important issue.

To do so will require us to be credible on reform in Kyiv but outside the capital, to stress
solutions which are responsive to the real issues that motivate the public wages and
jobs.

. 3) Expectations Game

It is in this context that it is important to understand the role that the public expects out of
its government. When offered the choice between a government that acts primarily as an
engine to power the economy or one that must make sure that the people?s basic needs
are met, 37% chose the safety net while only l7% selected the engine for the economy
role. 43% were not certain. The signi?cance of this ?nding is that even though the
electorate wants to look westward because they believe that doing so will enhance
economic opportunity, they are not prepared to have economic polices that do not stress
the ?safety net" role of government.

So, when the Prime Minister promotes policies that are more socialistic than capitalistic it
is playing well with the electorate even though it may diminish interest by westerners to
invest in Ukraine- We will need to navigate between these very sharp differences as we
structure our campaign strategy. Yushchenko is using rhetoric that is popular in the West
while allowing the Prime Minister to execute policies that are inconsistent with his
rhetoric but popular with voters. This will eventually result in Western criticism of the
administrations economic policies. We can use this criticism to note the growing lack of
con?dence in the Yushchenkoz?Tymoshenko administration and draw conclusions that
their governance, not their policies, is causing a loss of western investment resulting in a
negative impact on the growth of the Ukrainian economy.

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This same dichotomy can be seen in?uencing the decisions ofthis Government on the

. issue of ?re-privatization". While western governments are pressuring Yushchenko to
refrain from any such policy, a clear majority of Ukrainian supporters of ?Our Ukraine?
and the Bloc" support such a program. This dilemma will create tensions
in whichever block loses. Iqushehcnl-to follows his announced policy to work with the
current owners and not to re-tender or nationalize, a segment of his base will be
disappointed. If he follows the direction of the Prime Minister and the State Property
Commisioner and recaptures the properties, the West will abandon him. From
a political perspective, we should seek to drive this wedge between him and his base.

The nationalistic tendency of the electorate is further demonstrated in the response to the
issue of Kryvorizhstal- 56% of Ukrainians believe that the steel mill should be re-
nationalized while only 20% believe the current owners should be allowed to pay more to
keep the asset and just 8% want a re-tender of the asset. Only in the east is there a
plurality that favors the current owners being allowed to keep the asset Thus,
when the Prime Minister and State Property Commissioner Speak to national assets
belonging under government control, they are ?nding a receptive audience in the
electorate. This popular support creates a real tension between the populist politics of the
Prime Minister and Yushchenko?s campaign commitments to build a market economy.

This is another clear example of the electorate-?5 motivation in December 2004. They
wanted a change in leadership more than a change in policy. It re-enforces the notion that
the 2004 election was about cleaning out a system more than changing the philosophical

. underpinnings of the system. Further con?ict inside the administration will ultimately
undermine the publics support for this administration.

This fact is critical to the creation ofa campaign strategy for the 2006 Parliamentary
elections. The pulse of the electorate is for reform but the heart of the electorate still
yearns for a socialistic state that will protect them. This yearning creates a significant
challenge to develop a winning election strategy while at the same time not dismissing
the desire to look westward because the two goals westerniaati on of Ukraine and a state
control of the economy are at odds with each other. The balance needs to be one that
demonstrates sensitivity to the plight of the people while offering the hope of building an
economy that will attract western investment.

This balance can be found more easily in the rhetoric of a campaign rather than in the
management of a Government. President is currently experiencing this
pressure, while the Prime Minister is playing more to the politics of the pepulace with
little concern for the inconsistencies or even the dilemma facing the President. In fact, it
can be postulated that she has made a political calculation that this tension is the
foundation upon which she shall carve her independence from the President while serving
at his pleasure. At the point the tension becomes too intense. she will leave or be ?red
and claim that the President is violating his commitments to the Orange Revolution. It is
not an unwise strategy for her.

1BO1D-PJ POLITICAL 4
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. . 4. The National Leaders Perspective in Contrast

The electorate has de?nite views on its political leaders. The intensity is strong and the
approval attitudes are clearly delineating by the images established in the 2004
Presidential campaign.

The positive ratings for the current leaders of the govertunent, in contrast to the very
negative ratings for the leadership of the previoos government, are dramatic. The Chart
on the following page captures this contrast dramatically. The current administration is
still enjoying a signi?cant honeymoon with the electorate.

No Never Heard

am some; .lir?asprahh: atrium or
63% 14% 1%
Olexander More: 30% 13%
Sviatoslav Piskum 14% d3% 35% 3%
Petra Poroshenko 29% 37% 31% 3%
Viktor Medvedchuk 12% 68% 20% 1%
. Vladimir Putin 53% 33% 15%
Leonid Kuchma 6% 36% 3%
Boris Koloesnikov 9% 38% 43% 11%
Riuat Altuteluv 12% 43% 34% l%
Victor Pinchuk TH: 51% 34% 8%
Sergei Tyhipko IS?lrii 50% 32% 3%
Victor Yanukovich 31% ti?% 8%
Yulia Tyrnoshenko 6 79/0 26% 3%
Viktor Yushehenko 22% 8.91:.

As is demonstrated by the chart, the most popular political ?gures are the President, the
Prime Minister and the Speaker of the RADA. They are overwhelming popular across all
segments of the electorate, showing decent support even in the heartland of the regions
that originally opposed the Orange Revolution.

. The most unpopular politicians are those who were central to the previous government
President Kuchma, Viktor Medvedchuk, and Victor Yanukovich. The impact of the

1BO10-PJM POLITICAL PRESENTATION-000015
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. Presidential election is still very strong. The public views the previous leaders as failures
and bad people. Voters don?tjust disagree with their past policies - they dislike them
personally.

he signi?cance of these lopsided numbers is what complicates the creation ot?a strategy
for the lead up to the parliamentary elections. The most dif?cult time is going to be the
remainder of 2005 because the electorate, with such strong support for the President and
Prime Minister and such strong rejection of the leaders of the past, will give the current

Administration the bene?t of the doubt in any debate with the leaders of the past. These
ratings provide the Government with the latitude to do things that might have been totally
unacceptable if taken by President Kuchma. The best example of this is the arrest of
Boris Kolesnikov.

Because Kolesnikov is a leader of the Party of Regions, his human rights and the
treatment that he has received are not negatively impacting the image of the Govemment.
In fact, 38% of the electorate believes the government was justified and 42% have no
opinion. The only region where the Government is viewed as being unjusti?ed is where
the Party of Regions is strongest - the South. Even in the East and Southeast, public
opinion is equally divided on the issue ofpolitieal persecution. Kolesnikov has
effectively become a symbol of the past regime.

Because of Kolesnikov?s connection to the previous Government, the electorate is taking
the position that the Yushenko admininstration was right. This trust in the decision-

. making of the Government on issues of human rights was totally absent in judging the
Kuchma Administration. Even when expressing the belief that President Yushchenko
personally approved the arrest (41% of voters) or that Prime Minister Tymoshenko
approved it does not create an issue of political reprisal. Kuchma would have been
cruci?ed in the media, both inside Ukraine and in the West, if he had treated a prominent
leader of the opposition the way that Kolesnikov has been treated. The trust in the
decision-making process of the Yushchenko Govenunent creates great latitude to use the
Government in an abusive way to advantage themselves for the upcoming elections.
Many injustices will be tolerated by the electorate in the name of ?ghting corruption-

While the strong approval ratings of the Government provide them with enormous
discretionary authority to act, the attitudes toward the opposition create an equivalent
restraint on their ability to respond, notwithstanding the correctness of their criticism. The
intensity of the negative ratings remove the ability to credibly challenge the actions of the
Government. even when they are as blatantly abusive as the treatment of Kolesnikov.
This is especially problematic when the opposition leader is viewed by the electorate as a
part of the corrupt past. I

In creating a strategy to oppose the actions of the Yushchenko Administration the
messengers are as important as the message. If those who attack the Government are
associated visibly with the previous regime, their message will be ignored, regardless of
the merits of the message.

10

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This is most dramatically obvious in analyzing the electoral attitudes towards Victor

. Yanukovich. His ratings are among the most negative image ratings in the country. Not
only do 60% of the electorate have an unfavorable opinion of him, the intensity of that
view is overwhelming with 37% saying they strongly dislike him. These negatives are
pervasive throughout the country. There is very little difference based on gender, age,
education or perceived socioeconomic class. 52% of rural voters strongly dislike him .
and 70% of rural voters hold these feelings. (When analyzed against the image of the
Party of Regions, Yanukovich is a net 6% worse than the party. This will be discussed in
further detail later in this paper.)

With this level of disapproval. Yanukovieh has no ability to drive a message- Any efforts
to build a credible platform in opposition, to develop policy positions or legislative
initiatives or lead a parliamentary campaign will never get off the ground. People will not
accept any criticism if it is being spoken by Yanukovich. The feelings about President
Kuchma are even worse. Thus, the construction of any plan for 2005 must be built around
someone or some entity that is not associated with any of the leaders of the previous
Government, especially Victor Yanukovich. The people have given theirjudgment on his
role in and it is not going to change in this political cycle.

President Yushchenko and Prime Minister Tymoshenko enjoy the exact opposite luxury.

While his approval ratings will drop over time, the President is still bene?ting from the
halo effect of his election. 70% ofthe electorate view him favorably. In areas of the

. country that he carried in the election his support is overwhelming - 84% of Kyiv= 90%
in the West and 88% in the Center. Only in the South is his support below 50%.
There is no gender gap and no age gap. The only significant break is between ethnic
Ukrainians (30% favor) and ethnic Russians (45% favor).

His favorable image is driving hisjob approval. 66% of the electorate approve ofthc job
he is doing. The pro?le of hisjob approval follows that of his favorable image. The chart
below rates the President on the key performance criteria that will be important in
creating a Parliamentary campaign against his Government next year.

ll

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Yusbchenko Job Performance Series
Not a
Good ioh Unsure Good job

Creating a Strong economic policy for the Ukraine sass 27% 17%
Providing a ?vision" for the ?iture ofthe Ukraine 65% 20% 15%
Creating a strong foreign policy for the Ukraine 63% 19% 12%
Understanding the needs of people like me 55% 24% 21%
Privatizing industry in the Ukraine 48% 37% 16%
Ending corruption 64% 19% 17%
Caring about the majority of Ukrainian people 56% 25% 20%

The chart shows that the support of his performance is high and the disapproval is very
low - too low to mount a credible campaign in opposition. However. the voters who are
unsure on his job performance become the basis of whether such a campaign can be

. successful. There is enough uncertainty to create hope in opposition. The key to a
successful election campaign is to focus on the right messages and have the right
messengers.

Analyzing the series ofquestions an interesting ?nding jumps out. When the President is
rated on themes of the Orange Revolution vision for the future. ending corruption,
caring about the people his ratings are strong. When rated on actual performance
privatizing industry, creating a strong economic policy his numbers drop. People are
starting to see the disconnect between promises and performances and therein lies the
opportunity to mount a successful effort next year.

As time goes on and the Government continues to drift in the execution of its policies, the
impatience ofthe public will begin to show. It must be assumed that even as this occurs
that the President will be able to maintain his personal appeai. This is because he has
already achieved his most important accomplishment as far as the electorate is concerned
he vanquished the evil empire. However, hisjob approval will deteriorate if his
Governments performance does not meet the expectations of the public to create a rule
oflaw and to strengthen the personal ?nancial situation ofthe citizens. As it does
deteriorate the opportunity will grout. It will be our role to focus public attention on
these issues.

Analyzing the pro?le and job approval of Prime Minister Tymoshenko shows a similar
. electorate rating. She is very popular as a personality (67% approve of her) and herjob

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approval follows her favorable image. She, too. will suffer a deterioration from a lack of
. performance.

The question is how we bring attention to the failing policies. In normal circumstances it
is through the methodical promotion of a strategic message. The environment is right to
raise already high expectations for the current govemment. Once the public becomes
disillusioned we can begin to drive a more negative message. While it is too soon for
such a message because the electorate is not ready to say that the job is not being done,
there clearly is a message which we can organize and be prepared to promote. The
biggest challenge is not the message. The biggest problem is the lack of a messenger.

5. Anaiysis ofrhe Political Parties

Having an appealing message is critical to a successful challenge of an incumbent
Government. But, more important is having a credible messenger or conversely having an
opponent who is not credible and therefore unable to promote its message.

The 2004' Presidential election was a classic example of both factors. The Kuehma
Government was a discredited and wholly unpopular regime. Notwithstanding the fact
that the economy was growing at a level which should have been sufficient to ensure a
successful campaign for whoever carried the banner of the Administration, the candidate
of the Kuchma campaign never gained traction on any set of issues. In fact, the principal
base-of support for Yanukovich?s candidacy was from the establishment that had

. everything to lose if he lost. The support was not personal to Yanukovich. It was not
driven by ideology. It was not rewarding competency. Rather, the principal basis of the
overwhelming support for Yanukovich was founded in self-preservation of power and
economic interest.

Consequently, as the campaign heated up, the electorate that was not directly advantaged
by the Kuchma Government was not listening to the message of Yanukovich. The
success of the economic program which should have ensured his election never resonated
with the public. Yanukovich?s designation as the candidate of the Administration
poisoned his appeal as much as the dioxin poisoned the body of Yushchenko.

The Party of the Regions, being associated as the party of Yanukovich, was similarly
poisoned. Its appeal never broadened beyond the geographical limits of its genesis in the
South. This limitation still exists today and must be addressed ifit is going to be the
vessel that is used to mount the 2006 Parliamentary campaign.

The mirror opposite is re?ected in the images of the parties of the President and Prime

Minister. This is evident from the chart below which chronicles the ?ndings of the I
National Survey.

13

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No Never
My Favorable Unfavorable opinion Heard Of
Our Ukraine 63% 22% l5% 0%
Socialist Party of Ukraine 49% 31% 21% 0%
Cemmunist Party of Ukraine 17% 63% l6% 0%
United Socialist Democratic Party 17% 58% 24% l%
Peoples Party of Ukraine lforrner
Agrarian Party} 20% 30% 41% 3%
Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc 61% 13% 0%
People?s Democratic Party- Party
Of Industrialisrs and Entrepreneurs 27% 23% 39% 6%
Rukh Party of the Regions 25% 50% 24% 2%

. This chart reveals several important clues to the capabilities of the parties to do theirjob

in attracting voters next year.

The most obvious fact is that the President?s popularity is clearly transferred to his party.
Our Ukraine. In fact, it is the only party which maintains a truly "national support base"
in the country. With the exception of the South region. Our Ukraine receives a plurality
of the vote in every other region of the country. It dominates in the Center and West
where it receives over 50% of the vote and is very strong among rural men, the middle
class, and voters who see corruption as the major issue facing Ukraine.

Clearly, the party which is an extension of the President and not one that has historical
strength has the credibility to be an effective messenger for the campaign themes to be
advanced by the President as he seeks a Parliamentary majority. The good news ??om our
standpoint is that because of the extremely close association of the President and the
Party. as his job approval numbers decline. which they will, the appeal of the Party will
be affected. Given the favorable image ofthe President, which we can expect to remain
high even as hisjob approval diminishes, _it will be important to our strategyr that we de-
link the President from the candidates representing Our Ukraine _i_n lb; election. This
strategy will be developed as we get closer to the election period and events are more
de?nitively set out. For now. it is suf?cient to understand that this will be a key objective
of our political campaign strategy.

. An equally important objective of our campaign will be to de-link the Prime Minister
from the President. Signi?cant in our survey is the fact that notwithstanding the personal

14

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appeal of the Prime Minister and her job approval, her Party Block has not bene?ted.

. This is because the President is getting the bene?t ofthe success and it is translating to
his Party. Tymoshenlto de?nitely understands this; it is the principal reason why she is
setting out differences on important issues with the President - like rte-privatization, price
controls, attacking Russian oil tycoons.

On all of these issues Tymoshenlto is speaking in favor of the position that the polls
indicate are popularly embraced by the voters. She is trying to position herself as the
guardian of the public interest and force Yushchenko to either embrace her initiatives or
be seen as an obstacle. Wisely, the Prime Minister is not trying to draw rigid differences
yet. Rather, she is setting the table and preparing for a moment, if it comes, when she can
summarize the differences and position herself as the true guardian of the Orange
Revolution.

Her challenge is daunting. Her party has not gained much more appeal than it had at the
time of the Presidential election. While she is seen as an important member ofthe ruling
body of the Orange Revolution, Yushchenko is gaining the major national bene?t in
Party support.

Tymoshenko Bloc

Tymoshenko?s bloc is regionally based most of her Party support found in the Center
region and Kyiv. Her ballot strength drops dramatically in the South, Southeast, and East.
. Demographically, her support is centered around 18-39 women, women living in rural
areas, part-time workers, and voters who want government to focus on improving social
services. Clearly, her personal popularity is not contributing to ballot strength of the Bloc,
unlike the impact that Yushchenl-to?s popularity is having on his party?s ballot strength.

In fact, from Yushchenko?s standpoint today, Tymoshenko brings little to the electoral
coalition in attracting voters that does not already have. Even among voters
who have a favorable impression of her and herjob performance, only of them
prefer her party to Our Ukraine while 56% of those voters would chose Our Ukraine over
the Tymoshenko Bloc. The conclusion is that she brings very little to Yushchenko that he
cannot get on his own. This will be an important fact in devising our strategy and our
options.

Socialist Party

Of all of the other political parties not withstanding the new election rules, the one
positioned to do well in the 2006 elections if it constructs the right strategy is the
Socialist Party. Aside from Our Ukraine and the Tymoshenlto Bloc, the Socialist Party is
the only other political party in Ukraine that has a positive favorable to unfavorable ratio
among the voters (48% favorable, 31% unfavorable}.

While the current ballot strength of the Party is quite limited overall, the party does have
. a signi?cant geographic base among voters in certain regions. In particular, in Kyiv it

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polls 17% of the voters, just below that of the Tymoshenko Bloc. Over 60% ofOur

. Ukraine and Tymosbenko Bloc voters indicate that they have a favorable impression of
the Socialist Party. This fact indicates that as support for the Government erodes, the
Socialist Party is in a position to take advantage of the erosion. Its success will depend on
how it constructs its strategy and communicates its message.

Currently, the fact that the popularity of its leader and the favorable image of the Socialist
Party are not driving ballot indicates that two important facts. irst. the Party?s voter base
is supporting Our Ukraine and to a lesser extent the Tymoshenko Bloc because they are
viewed as more credible governing parties. The second fact is that this is true because the
Socialist Party has not de?ned itself as a credible alternative. This is the challenge of
their election strategy. If they construct a credible program and articulate it, they can
bene?t with an increased share of the ballot.

The Socialist Party"s standing and opportunities are in clear contrast to the current
position of the Party of Regions. The Party of Regions is suffering from its association
with the Kuchma regime and the leadership of Victor Yanukovich. Iiowcver,
notwithstanding the negative impact of these two associations, the Party remains a viable
political force and has the capacity to play a signi?cant role in the upcoming
Parliamentary elections. Unlike the Socialist Party. though, the Party of Regions has
more limited opportunities and much less room for error as it devises its political
strategy.

. Party of Regions

The Party of Regions currently receives 16% of the vote in the upcoming Parliamentary
election which places it second to Our Ukraine and just above the Tymoshenko Bloc. The
reason it does better on the ballot than the Socialist Party, despite a less favorable image,
is because the Party of Regions has a homogeneous base that is not a part of the
Governing coalition. This base is narrowly de?ned that is distinguishable both
demographically and geographically. The fundamental base of support for the Party is
found almost exclusively among voters of Russian ethnicity. This fact signi?cantly
narrows the ballot strength to a narrow regional base of support. This base is found in the
South and Southeast where 30% of voters indicate they would vote for Party of Regions
candidates. -

The Party of Regions support almost falls off the charts outside of these two regions- It
gets barely 2% in Kyiv and only 6% in the Center. Among Ukrainian nationals, the Party
image is fairly negative with 25% having a favorable image and 50% having an
unfavorable view, while 49% of ethnic Russians view the Party favorably. This fact is
what limits the upside potential of the Party of Regions to attract new voters outside of its
regional and ethnic base.

and Donetskaya drive the Party of Regions? favorable image. Urban voters (2

are a bit more favorable to the Party than rural voters Only 22% of self-identi?ed
. ?working class" voters view the Party favorably, compared with 24% of the ?poor".

16

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. Among the reasons for this high unfavorable rating is the belief by a majority of voters
that the Partv of Regions does not understand the needs ot"?people like us". On
this issue there is a signi?cant gender gap with 60% of men believing the Party does not
understand their needs, and 49% of women. Also, there is an age gap the younger the
voter. the more likely they feel that the Party does not understand their needs. Among the
classes. 64% ofthe middle class, 53% ofthe working class and 46% of the poor hold this
view.

When asked which description best represents the Party of Regions in their minds, a
plurality of voters said corruption, while 21% said ?party of the oligarchs?. The
most favorable ?ndings were 13% saving strong leadership and 10% saying ?party of the
working people?. These latter two descriptions are what is driving the 25% favorable
image of the Party which is translating into a 16% ballot share.

The Yanukovich Limitation

With Victor Yanukovich as the Party Leader. the prospects for the Party of Regions
diminish even more. Even though Yanukovich ran for President as the leader of a
coalition that was broader than the Party of Regions, his net impact on the prospects of
the Party of Regions to grow is not good. He has no positive eoattail effect. In fact. his
impact is a net negative on the Party.

. While Yanukovich has a? higher favorable rating than the Party of Regions
more favorable), his negative rating is 100% higher than the Party. More importantly, in
the areas that will be important to the Party to attract new voters, Yanukovich?s negatives
are much higher 16% more unfavorable in the Center region, 10% more unfavorable in
the Southeast. 10% more unfavorable among rural voters, l4% more among clerical
workers, 11% more among the poor, and 13% more among Ukrainian nationals.)

Yanukovich is limiting almost any opportunity for the Party of Regions to grow its voter
support as the job approval ratings of the governing coalition diminish with the failure to
ful?l] the expectations of the voters.

The National Survey tested the appeal of 1l?anukovieh as a candidate for Prime Minister
in 2006. An overwhelming majority said that they would not like to see
Yanukovich as Prime Minister ever again. This viewpoint is consistent throughout the
country with a plurality of voters in eyery region saying ?no" to his candidacy.

Incredibly, 72% of rural voters and 59% of urban voters totally reject his candidacy.
Among ethnies the story is worse with 72% of Ukrainians and 40% of Russians saying
they would never support his candidacy, Even among voters who have a favorable
impression of Yanukovich only 67% would like to see him run for Prime Minister
and only a small percentage of them say that would vote for him if he ran.

17

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The intensity of these feelings is very strong. Consequently, the ability of Yanukovich to

. help lead a campaign against the current administration will not only fail, but it will never
gain any traction. His leadership into the campaign would probable signal the death knell
of the Party and Coalition that he leads. Except for his limited base, few would pay any
attention to his message, simply writing him off as a discredited, corrupt representative of
the past. Any attacks on the failures of the Government would never
resonate and therefore have little impact of attracting voters. If a credible alternative force
were to emerge (like the Socialist Party), even the current base of support could move off
the Part)r of Regions because the intensity of the ballot support is not as intense as the
opposition to the cement Government. So, if an alternative, credible opposition Party
emerged, it could easin attract a signi?cant portion of the 13% of the ballot that the Party
of Regions is getting in our National Survey.

The prospects for many ofthe other parties currently represented in the RADA are
equally as dim. The views of the electorate towards them are quite negative, especially
for the Communist Party, the United Socialist Democratic Party and the Rukh Party. The
ability of these parties to grow beyond their base is very limited. Many of the smaller
parties could suffer a failure to reach the threshold of3% required to elect representatives
to the next RADA.

Pam Support for Parliamentag; Elections

. Our Ukraine - 40%
Party ofthe Regions -
Tymoshenko Bloc - l3%
Socialist Party okarain-c - 5%
Communist Party - 3%
USDP - 2%
People?s Part}I of Ukraine - 1%
Rukh - 0%
Other political party - 1%
]Would not vote - 5%
Refused - 2%
Undecided -

While this ballot breakdown probably represents the nadir ot?the Party of Regions
prospects, the ability to grow its support cannot be assumed to be a natural consequence
of the erosion of support for the Governing Coalition Parties. given the current feelings
about the Party of Regions and its Leader.

Waging a winning campaign will have to be founded on a creative strategy that
incorporates a variety of options into the campaign plan. These options will be explored
in a preliminary manner later in this Report.

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. 6. Anaiysis ofthe Organizational Structure ofrhe Perot of Regions

The history of the Party of Regions reflects a fusing of various regional political factions
coming together in order to govern. The glue to the historical fusions was the parties in
power seeking to cement their control of government. Ideology was secondary to
maintaining power as a motivating in?uence. While the history is instructive, it is not
necessary to delve into those events for the purposes of this audit.

The party ceased to be a relevant issue when Viktor Yushehenko was elected President.
At that moment, the raison dietre holding the Party together vanished. This fact is
significant in that the means to maintain control and influence over the Party membership
has been materially altered.

The basis for the Party?s historical growth at the grassroots level was directly related to
its ability to dispense favors. The ability of the Party to award jobs and to provide
bene?ts emanated from the office of Governor of the Oblasts and control of the national
Govenunent in Kyiv. Party platforms mattered little to the attraction of members. As a
consequence. when the core factor in attracting members was eliminated with the loss of
Yanukovich, the Party?s ability to grow and even to manage itself was signi?cantly
damaged.

Another relevant factor that is fundamental to the efforts to create a viable political party
is the bifurcation of the management of the Party between Kyiv and the regions (mainly

. Donetsk). This was most evident in the management of the Yanukovich Presidential
campaign and that management style continues today.

The Party?s central headquarters is currently staffed by about 100 people but due to
irregular funding the number has been diminishing. The management plan adopted at the
Annual Party Congress held in March of2005 called for the ?tnding ofa plan to employ
3-5 staffers at each regional level and 1-2 people at each city and district level. All
regional chapters and local organizations are supposed to be ?nanced both from the
central HQ and through local ?nancial resources. RADA deputies are unofficially funded
by the Party.

The central off cc of the Party is in Kyiv where most important meetings are held. The
national leadership works there. Most of the communication between the central HQ and
the regions is done telephonically

The leadership ot?the Party is elected annually at the Party Congress which is the
supreme body of governance for the Party. leadership is organized around a Chairman
and Executive Committee. The structure of the current Executive Committee is as
follows:

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Department of Organizational and Political Work

Department of Strategic Planning, Public Relations, and Technologies
Department of International Cooperation

Department of lntemal Policy

Department of Finance

The current committee is mostly Donetsk based. its members. as elected in March at the
Party Congress, are:

Vietnr Yanultovieh - Chairman of the Party of Regions since April 2003

Raisa Bogatyreva - Chairwoman of ?Ukrainian Regions? fraction in Verhovna
Rada

Vladimir Rybak - Deputy Chairman of the Party of Regions and Chairman of the
Political Council

Nikolai Azarov - Chairs the Political Council of the Party of Regions

Vasilyi Georgievich Djarty - First Deputy Chairman of Political Executive
Committee. Party of Regions

Andrey Klyuev First Deputy Chairman, Party of Regions, Secretary of Political
Council ofthe Party

Sergei Larin Chief of Staff for Political Executive Committee, Party of Regions
Stanislav Valerianovich Skubashevsky - Head of Department of Organizational
Operations, Party of Regions

Boris Kolesnikov Head ofDonetslt chapter ofthe Party of Regions

Anatolyi Bliznyuk -Acting Head of Donetsk Chapter of the Party ot-?chions
Tatiana Bakhteeva Head of a Department of the Party of Regions? Political
Council

The RADA deputies faction currently consists of 35 members of which 29 were elected
in ?single mandate districts" which will be abolished in the new Parliamentary elections
of 2006 (meaning that all will be on a Party List).

According to Party records, the breakdown ofcurrent party membership and organization
by region is as follows:

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1BD10-PJM POLITICAL PRESENTATION-000026

. Party Branch Membership Number of party Number of 1
organizations of city ?eld level
and district level organizations

1 Crimea 22,090 263 490
Republican
Branch

2 41,345 66 612
Branch

3 Branch 237,235 429 4,483

4 Branch 13,416 610 325

5 19,002 I 75 280
Branch

6 . Luhans'k Branch 54,156 217 446

7 Branch 14,301 257 555

8 Odessa Branch 26,969 254 542

9 Pcltava Branch 15,769 381 501

10 Kharkiv Branch 33,9]0 279 1,297

11 City 3,935 6 92
Branch .

12 Tranacarpalhia 7,061 244 571
Branch

. l3 Ivanc-Frankivs'k . 2,675 69 115

Branch

14 Kyiv Branch 1,203 234 475

15 15,661 342 1,379
Branch

16 Kyiv City Branch 39,345 1 1 451

L'viv Branch 2930 74 1,628

13 Kherson Branch 4979 79 483

19 Chemivtsi Branch 6211 i 47 166

20 Branch 14,446 286 969

21 Branch 2,?51 209 234

22 Rivne Branch 5,998 27 165

23 Sumy Branch 6,303 203 423

24 TerncpilT Branch 2,902 103 190

25 Khmel'nyts'kyy 19,136 617 83?
Branch

g6 Cherkasy Branch 6,541 69 1'?3

27 Chemihiv Branch 4,072 23 210
Total; 635,842 5,579 18,642

From the political audit that was conducted, this organizational chart is not real and in its
current condition cannot be relied upon to construct a Parliamentary campaign.

2!

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From a review of the Party records, the self described Party base is comprised of the
. following groupings:

- Ethnic Russians or mixed Russian-Ukrainians. used to living in traditional
Russian-Ukrainian cultural and language environment.

People of" the industrially-developed eastern, southern1 and central areas of the
country who are concerned with unfair distribution of the budget in favor of the
western regions of Ukraine

I Workers of former large state enterprises and their family members

I Representatives of' former nomenclature
Representatives of older generations (not communist fanatics), war participants
and veterans, afraid of revival of Bender nationalism and Crimean-Tatar
lslamism. Citizens of the Donetsk Ohlast, where signi?cant positive changes in
economic! social spheres and industry became evident during the years of
Yanultovich?s premiership.

When checked against the ?ndings of the National Survey, these descriptions hold up.
The relevance of the composition is the self?limiting aspect of the leaders own
description. The profile of the Party generally can be summarized as:

Speaks Russian or mixed Russian-Ukrainian at home
Middle aged and older people

Middle and low income people

Dissatis?ed with Yushchenko and his policies
Afraid of Ukraine becoming a NATO member

Population from eastern and southern regions who are not happy with the new
order.

7. Management Problems Confronting the Party of Regions Today

The current status bf the Party is organizational disarray. This disorganization emanates
from the National HQ and re?ects much of the disfunctionality that was exhibited in the
Yanukovich campaign.

Several political forces were Working For 1'{anukovich during the election. During the
campaign, the Party of the Regions could rely on the administrative resources ofthe
Prime Minister, which were represented, ?rst of all, by governors and heads of district
administrations who reported personally to ?r?anukovich. These people usually ?lled the
posts not only of heads onanultovich?s regional and district campaign l-IQs. but also the
heads of regional and local branches of the Party of Regions.

Yanukovich also had access to the team of President Kuehma, mainly represented by

of?cials of the federal level and people from political and business groups supporting the
president, particularly the Dnepropetrovsk group {Pinchuk).

22

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. Yanukovich also drew support from the Kyiv group of Medvedchuk and the Social-
Democratic Party (united).

Thus. the Party of the Regions was moved aside from the actual decision-making process
during the election campaign as a result of coalition agreements between the top people
(Yanukovich and Kuchma. Medvedchuk and other ??supporters.) Its activists were used
mostly in common work and the Party received a paltry amount of ?nancing.

As a result, the Party of the Regi0ns took a back seat and did not take an active part in
working on the campaign strategy. The party was ?nanced through Yanukovich-l'riendly
oblast administrations, and never had a say in strategic or tactical campaign decisions.
The party was called when some campaign work had to be done. and was assigned with
delivery of campaign materials, posters, newspapers, organizing meetings, etc.

But the real decisions were made at Yanukovich HQ. and poor decisions were ample.
There was no regional targeting. Thousands of campaign materials were sent to the
oblasts that had no Party of Regions organizations at all. while very few campaign
materials were sent to the best oblast party organizations that had excellent structure and
could have delivered greater result.

As a result. the Party did not seize the opportunity to develop as a larger political
organization during the campaign. It failed to put together a quali?ed staff and train them
and failed to build reliable organizational structures. A number of activists and rank-and-

. file party members feel today that they were betrayed and mistreated by the party
leadership.

Without the formal trappings of administration power, the party has little ability to
develop policy alternatives that can shape the future debate.

As would be expected, most of Yanultovich?s tactical supporters immediately dissociated
themselves from him after his defeat. This left Yanukovich with his key Donetsk
supporters who worked with him in Kyiv. Most of these individuals were elected to the
Executive Council in March.

The relevant fact is that the Party did not grow and the lifeblood of the organization has
been withdrawn the patronage emanating from the Oblast Governors. With the loss of
jobs and a shrinking treasury, the ability of the Party HQ to maintain the loyalty of the
Party Membership has greatly reduced. Coupled with the negative image of the
Leadership of the Party and the failure of that leadership to organize an ef?cient regional
and local structure. the Partv is on the verge of disintegration. This will occur ?rst in the
weakest regions and eventually work its way into the stronger regions.

In order to stem this erosion a comprehensive rehabilitation program must be initiated.

This program should be factored into a Parliamentary election plan. meaning whether the

goal is compete regionally in coalition with others or to seek to build a national party for
. the 2006 elections.

23

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. The requirements lo build such a Party will be discussed in the portion ofihis report [had
focuses on strategy and recommendations.

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Framework for Strategy
fer Elections

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. Framework for Development of the Strategy for 2006 Elections
1. Optionsfor Campaign Strategy

The analysis of the state of the Party of Regions organizationally, as well as its voter
appeal. limits the options available to us as we prepare the campaign strategy for the 2006
Parliamentary elections.

Given the popularity of the Government, the unpopularity of the Party of
Regions throughout most of Ukraine, the negative appeal ofthc leader of the Party and
the issue agenda of the electorate, the range of options is signi?cantly limited. Factoring
in the organizational deficiencies of the Party of Regions creates even more limitations.
These organizational limitations need to he addressed immediately in order to calibrate
the allocation of resources of the campaign.

All ofthc options will require the Party to understand what it has to offer and develop
the skill sets necessary to deliver what it needs to do in order to be relevant in the
campaign. Given this fact, we shall ?rst address what needs to he done to modernize the
Party?s capabilities and put it in a position to compete effectively.

2. Reorganizing the Party; of Regions
. A. Replacement of'rhe Leader rifthe Parrv

Before addressing what needs to be done to improve the organizational capabilities it is
necessary to address the leadership factor.

From the analysis set out in the previous section of this Report, the answer to the problem
is clear Victor Yanukovich must be replaced.

He is an impenetrable obstacle to success. He shuts down the ability.r of the Party to
improve or change its image. His presence removes almost all options of uniting in
coalition with other parties to build an opposition coalition. His management style is
anathema to building a grassroots organization. ?is negative image signi?cantly affects
the ability to promote the messages necessary to attract disgruntled voters who have lost
faith in the Orange Revolution. His background and record will completely block the
effective dissemination of the campaign messages. His voter appeal reduces the Party to a
very limited regional presence that is ethnically based with little room for growth.

Even with the removal of Yanukovich the task of re-building the image of the Party of
Regions will be challenging. Its appeal is only marginally more attractive as the analysis
has demonstrated. However, with his removal a campaign can be organized to manifest a
change in the image and message of the Party. His removal provides the impetus and

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interest to grab the attention of the electorate and to signal that the Party of Regions has

. recognized its main problem and moved to remedy the matter. The means by which
Yanukovich is removed. who replaces him and how we promote the change are vital to
the successful transition. The planning is critical and must be undertaken carefully.

The change in leadership is not a desired objective. It is a fundamental requirement.
Failure to make the change will put us on a course of trying to minimize the speed of the
erosion of support and credibility. But, the fact that the base will erode further is
inevitable without the change of leadership.

Delay in making the change will also signi?cantly limit our options. The longer it takes
to effectuate the change, the more difficult it will be to change the image in time to have
the greatest impact on the election.

In replacing Yanukovich, the successor's pro?le is relevant. There are 2 important
considerations that should be factored into the decision process. First is the backgron
of the individual and second is where the individual is from.

A

New Leadership Pro?le

The background issue should focus on whether the replacement is a current political
activist and leader or a prominent Ukrainian with limited historical connection to the
Kuchma Administration or even the Party of Regions. The merits of such a pro?le are

. obvious in trying to build a new image. Having a ?gure with strong ecOnomic credentials
can be more valuable than having a leader with political credibility. The political
credibility can be built in the campaign. But, given the importance ofthe economic issues
to the electorate and where we can expect the Yushchenko Administration to have
vulnerabilities, such a pro?le can be very valuable in rebuilding the image ot?the Party. It
should be noted that a business pro?le should only be considered if that individual is not
connected to a company that is a target elite-privatization.

Ultimately, the re-privatization issue will be resolved. and most likely bet~ ore the 2006
elections. However, the timing of that resolution does not comport with the timing of
when we need to make the change. The change must occur immediately. Re-privatization
will take time to implement: even with an agreement between the Government and
businesses reached in the next month.

The geographical issue should also be considered. although it is not as vital as the pro?le.
Given that the base of the current Party appeal is geographically limited, the two
considerations are to try to expand the appeal or to play to where the current strength is
located. An important influence on this choice is whether the campaign strategy is going
to be national in scope or an association with other regional parties to be a national
in?uence. The discussion on this point will follow in this Report. The recommendation
that will be made later in this paper is to build a regional strategy. The rationale will be
presented in the relevant section of the Report.

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. Given this regional strategy, it is recommended that the replacement candidate come
from the region where the Party?s support is based, either the South or Southeast.

Recommendation: A replacement program of the Party Leader must occur
immediately. The means by which the change occurs is critical to the success of the
replacement as is the identity of the successor. The candidate should be from the
South or Southeast regions and ideally have limited association with the previous
government. If the Party of the Regions cannot reform its own organization why do
we believe we can convince the voters that they can deliver on their top priority
reforming government.

B. Organizational Rte-structuring

Even considering all of its current difficulties, the Party of Regions remains a powerful
and organized political force in Ukraine. The problem is that as it is currently constituted
and with the direction it is presently heading, its relevancy and attraction will rapidly
disintegrate without a major overhaul organizational.

The Party has one of the more developed regional party structures in Ukraine. it exists in
every oblast with some semblance of staf?ng throughout the structure. In varying degrees
ofe?iciencv. the Party still maintains of?ces, communications. and quali?ed personnel.
We must build on our core capabilities first.

0
With strategic guidance. from the national headquarters, the organizational effort can
double as it unfolds into a campaign structure.

The main dif?culty confronting the restructuring of the Party is the shortage of time to
accomplish the priorities essential to run a credible Parliamentary election campaign.
The efforts which must be implemented this year include:

1 the identifying training of the regional political leaders.

2. infusing leadership with updated political methods, communications
tools and materials to work with party leaders and voters.

3. the development of a program of new ideas to offer a credible
alternative to the voters, and

4. the revising of the image of the Party.

The first requirement is to identify the areas where we need to build the organizational
structure to compete in the Parliamentary election core concept to our strategv is

that we are going to build the best regional Party operation for this election cvcle. We

will build a more national Party capability in 2006 after the elections

From the audit that we conducted, we have identi?ed 1 regional organizations with
strong potential. They still have active leadership, infrastructure support (of?ces,
. telephones, vehicles, and a certain number of the members who work and get salaries,

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. and are ready to start aggressive political activities). Those regions are Crimea,
Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, Zhytomyr, Luhansk, Mykolayiv, Odessa,
Poltava, Kharkiv, and Sevastopol City.

These 1 1 regions coincide with the areas that we are prioritizing our efforts from a
strategy standpoint based on the National Survey.

The likelihood of developing our training and resource allocation beyond these ll areas
is rentote for this Parliamentary election. We will maintain a connection to the other 16
organizations because there is no need to dismiss them. However, ?nancial planning,
candidate recruitment, resource allocation and most other organizational efforts will
center on building the best Party operations and communications structure possible. It
will be in these 1 1 regions that the predominant representation ofthe Party of Regions in
the new RADA will come from.

The political audit found that 8 organizations have medium potential with active
leadership, infrastructure support, and personnel, but are hesitant to support the party in
the framework of the current situation. Additionally, the audit determined that there are 8
party organizations with very little potential. They are run by former regional
administrative leaders who have been dismissed by the new government and, following
their dismissal, have lost interest in the party?s activities or are afraid of working in the
party. However, these areas still have some assets.

. From a priority standpoint, the 1 regional organizations should receive the initial
emphasis of the training and re-strueturing. Whether we need to penetrate any deeper into
the other regions will be dependent on what is required to rc-organize the targeted
regions. This activity can commence even while the Leader question is being resolved.
The training and restructuring will look at a series of issues, including the current state of
?nancial and organization capabilities, identi?cation of regional and local political
operatives, training of those operatives, development of a system to revise the
communication program from the regional HQ to the local levels and tie more directly
into the national Headquarters.

In structuring any deals with other Parties to organize an election coalition, the strength
of these] regions will be what the Party of Regions brings to the table. While we will
function and build regionally we must act and be perceived as a national party.

Beyond reorganizing the regional of?ces, a focus needs to be placed on improving the
communications between the Party Central HQ and the regional of?ces and the voters.
The training program will include development of materials on all necessary political
organizing and voter contact and training of the leadership on how to effectively use the
materials.

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This component ofthe program will include:

1. Activation of the Party?s activities (various regional and local conferences,
seminars and trainings) so that the proposals to develop the new program and
platform of the Party come from the grassroots level,

2. A National Conference to prepare the agenda for a new National Party
Congress, which will assemble the best 50-100 people nationally. widely
publicized as ?different people using different approaches and creative
thinking to revive the Party and make it closer to the people. and establishing
communication links between grassroots organizations and ordinary people,

3. A media campaign presenting these regional and local conferences as signs of
the revival,

4. A new National Congress 500 to 1000 people, held in October, that will
adopt the new agenda, program of the party, platform ofthe party. and
approve the block strategy of preparation for the elections. It will attract
attention of Ukrainian and western mass media,

5. A massive information campaign following the Congress. showing that it is
not a Regional. but a NATIONAL party offering new strategic solutions for
the country, including new regional people from all around Ukraine.
Obviously, given the 1 regions focus, the national nature of this media
strategy is meant to convey a national presence even though we are not
financing and building such an entity for this election,

6. Another National Congress (as required by the law) to approve of the party
coalition lists that produce the of?cial party list.

While changing the method of operations and training the personnel, it will be necessary
to review the central components of our Party Platform and to modernize it to re?ect the
needs of the upcoming legislative session and Parliamentary campaign. The regional
conferences and Party Congresses noted above will be the means by which we update our
platform and make it more voter?responsive. In a similar vein. it is necessary to organize
an opposition research program to track the legislative record of the Government and
identify the broken promises and abuses of power.

Additionally, we will need to develop a system for composing the party list that is
consistent with where we are applying our resources and where we are depending on the
coalition members to produce. The system must include the criteria and procedures used
in forming this list. and how our selections process serves the needs to form a wider
coalition.

With this new restructuring program, we will then be in position to promote the ?new?
Party of Regions new leadership, new platform, new look, new image. A media blitz,
fashioned off a western model, will be implemented in the Fall to promote this new
image. It is a central component of the Parliamentary election plan because it begins the
re-positioning necessary to make the Party of Regions more acceptable to the electorate.

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. 3. Developing the Electoral Strategy for the Parliamentary Elections

Even accomplishing the obj ectives of the re-structuring of the organization and image of
the Party, it will be near impossible to conduct a national campaign to capture control of
the Parliament based primarily on the Party of Regions political appeal. As the Survey
research has clearly demonstrated, the upside potential for the Party outside of its base
areas is very limited. Even with a new image, there is not enough time to credibly
persuade the voters in other regions of Ukraine that the new Party of Regions is ?the real
thing?, especially with the enormous popularity levels of the current Administration.

This recognition demands a piecemeal strategy to electing enough RADA members to be
a real force in the new Parliament. There are 3 real options to be considered. All have
certain attractions and disadvantages.

Incorporated in all 3 options is the new method of electing Parliamentarians. Under the
new law. Parliamentarians are elected offoi' a national slate approved by the Party
subject to a pro rate allocation alter attaining the qualifying threshold of 3% of the total
vote cast. While this may not seem like a very high threshold, Only 4 parties currently
meet that threshold in our national Survey with a full quarter of the electorate saying they
are uncertain how they will vote. This undecided number is enough to give Our Ukraine
an absolute majority. More likely, if the Our Ukraine and Tymoshenko coalition holds,
. the undecided will give the coalition a majority government.

In any event, dependent on the state of the economy, our ability to shake the voter's
confidence in the economic performance of the Government is dependent on the.
successful retooling of the Party of Regions image leading to a successful agreement with
other parties to run as a team, increases chances of attaining majority control are
theorctorically in play. More likely. a strong Minority Coalition can be elected and would
be strong enough to protect interests and avoid the continued settling of political scores.

A. Building a Minority Coalition Option

This option envisions attracting enough partners to form a credible Opposition Slate to
run against the current Governing Coalition. It assumes that the current members
maintain their commitment to run as a team. This assumption is not a ?sure" thing but for
purposes of this Option, it is treated as a given.

The Goal would be to use the Party of Regions strength in the Scuth and Southeast as the
foundation. Then, we will need to identify opportunistic partnerships with lesser parties
who may have difficulty reaching the 3 percent threshold on their own. The presumption
is that with ?nancial support and some political voter assistance by the Party of Regions
that smaller parties? electoral chances would be enhanced and in so doing add to the
RADA members in opposition led by the Party of Regions.

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. This Option will require close co-operation between the members of the coalition and
?nancial and training resources dedicated to assisting the members. The risks are that
after the election successful members could bolt the Party.

Even if successful, the Option assumes that the Party of Regions is in the minority. If
there is a signi?cant erosion of the base of the Governing Coalition, the prospects for
gaining some foothold in the Governing Coalition is possible. This outcome will require a
deal being struck with most of the smaller parties, and probably riding the appeal of the
Socialist Party, especially given the fact that the Socialist Party is the only other
favorably viewed political party. This could change but in all likelihood will still be the
same later this year. The key question regarding the Socialist Party is can they get their
act together to advantage itself of its reputation and would it be willing to become a part
of such an arrangement?

3. Running Alone Option

This Option assumes that the Party is not attractive to any potential coalition partner and
must run alone. This Option will not dramatically alter the plan called for in the rev
organization of the party structure and image. However, instead of spreading some of the
financial resources to other groups, the money and efforts are focused in the 1 targeted
regions and geared to get our percentage number up. Given the revised election laws,
getting a large percentage of the vote in one region will have the same result of getting a

. more spread out vote throughout the country. The regionally disproportion-at vote is not
relevant, only the absolute percentage against the field.

By concentrating considerable resources where the image is already strong and framing
the campaign in such a way that it will produce a high turnout locally for the Party of
Regions, the Party can emerge as the strongest opposition party and be in a position to
build off the work in 2005 leading to the next Presidential election.

C. The ?Big Deal Coalition

In analyzing all options, there is a longshot option that should not be ignored, making a
deal with President Yushchenko and running as a member of his coalition.

The principal argument in support of this deal is that the only Party in the Country which
has something to offer in a deal with Our Ukraine is the Party of Regions. It is the only
Party whose support is unattainable by Our Ukraine. The pro?le of the two political
parties creates the most uni?ed ticket of candidates, regionally and ethnically.

By creating such a coalition, the Our Ukraine Party will ensure its majority position in the
Government and can lay claim to a willingness to forget the past, unite the country and
move forward in partnership to build a stable society founded on the rule of law and a
market economy.

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. While such a coalition would seem, on ?rst blush, to be dif?cult for the Party of Regions
to deliver its voter base given the philosophical differences, upon closer analysis it is very
doable. As has been discussed earlier, the real glue to the Party of Regions over the past 5
years has been its ability to guarantee its members that they would have access to the
bene?ts of controlling the reins of government. The Party has never been held together
by an ideological philosophy. It has always been opportunistic in what it is offering its
members. This deal is totally consistent with that history.

The fact that the deal is with the enemy is not as troubling to our base as it will be to
Yushchenlto?s base. They are much more idealistic. The case will have to be made by the
President that the coalition ensures the ultimate success of the revolution by making the
Party of Regions ?an orange party? and keeping control of the key mechanisms of power
in the hands ofthe original leaders ofthe revolution. He can also point to the purging of
the corrupt elements of the Party leadership, as represented by Yanukovich. as
completing the defeat of the old regime and with this new partnership ensuring that those
old elements will never have an opportunity to return to power.

While it is likely that some of the base support ot?Our Ukraine will never accept such a
deal, most of it would follow Yushchenko. Coupled with the voter base delivered by the
Party of Regions, even with this erosion, the coalition could ?nd itself to be a Majority
Coalition without any other parties.

. This Option is the most rewarding for the Party of Regions and its principal backers. It
gives the Party a seat at the governing table at a time when it is not ready to be the
majority partner. It provides safety for the assets of the principal backers of the Party of
Regions by virtue of membership in the Government. It provides the Party of Regions the
publicplatforrn and time that it needs to mature its new generation of leaders and ?nally
it positions the Party to take over control of the Government during the course of the next
election.

For Yushchenl-to, he gets credit with Ukraine and the world for uniting his country and he
gets the political support he needs to complete his reforms of government and the
economy. These accomplishments will create his place in history.

While the ability to strike this deal is a long?shah the bene?ts that accrue to the Party of
Regions are well worth the effort. Of the 3 Options, this is one that guarantees what we
are looking for. It should be thoroughly explored.

4. Timetable

Each of the elements of this program has its own schedule. They interaCI with each other
but must be pursued independently given the time constraints of getting everything done
in the time required.

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. The overall political plan For the actual Parliamentary elections will be constructed based
on a National Survey that will measure in a more meaningful time frame the voter
attitudes on the Yushchenko Administration and the completion of the re-organization of
the Party of the Regions. The creation of an election coalition does not need to be
determined until we are in the next phase of the strategy although the groundwork for all
options, including the ?nancial commitments and identi?cation of potential partners
should be on-going.

A. The Rte-organization Phase

This is the next phase into which we are entering. During this phase, we must complete
the change of leadership of the Party of Regions. begin the training of party operatives,
organize the communications program for the Party of Regions. develop the policy
program with the regional leadership and identify a legislative strategy for the Fall.

All of this activity must be completed by September 15.

It is anticipated that. as this phase is concluding. we will conduct another National Survey

to measure the impact of the reorganization efforts on the Party?s appeal and image and

to update the research on voter opinions of the Governing Coalition. By this time, the

halo effect of the election will be gone and people will be making judgments on the

performance and competence of the Government. This information will be critical to the
. main objectives ofthe next phase.

B. The Deal Making Phase

This is when ?nalize how we will go into the Parliamentary elections. The key actions to
be taken during this phase revolve around where we are going to compete actively. with
whom we will seek partnership, the creation of the National list and the build-out of the
communications and image-building effort for the new Party. The national Congress and
regional congresses will occur during this time period.

All ol'this activity must be completed by the beginning of the election period which will
be some time in November.

Once we have completed these actions, we will do the final National Survey. It will
measure public reaction to our nominees, our election partners. and our new image. Our
General Election Campaign Strategy and tactical plan will be developed from this
Survey.

At the completion of this Phase, we are into the Parliamentary Elections.

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. The Parliamentary Elections

This Phase is the elections phase. The management of the campaign, the strategy ofthe
campaign and the tactical application of the resources of the campaign will be driven by a
campaign plan that is written off of the Deal Phase survey.

We will update our strategy based on tracking polls that will be conducted on a weekly
basis for the purpose of ?ne tuning where we are spending our time and resources based
on how the campaign is resonating with the public. Based on who our coalition partners
are. we will have an active international component to the campaign to ensure that we
avoid the pitfalls that impacted the Yanukovich campaign. The strategy behind the
international efforts will be set out in the Campaign Strategy Plan.

This Phase is completed on Election Day. If we successfully implement our plan. there
will be no need for an unanticipated round of electionsll

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. IV. Summary

This document reflects considerable research and analysis of the ?ndings of that research.
Ilowever, politics is as much an art as a science and the successful application of the
recommendations ot'this plan will require considerable attention to detail and timing.

The core reconunendations of this document are very big decisions.

Taking Yanukovich out of power is not going to be easy but is absolutely necessary for
any successful implementation of the strategy. If he remains in power. the Party of
Regions will be buried in this election. Removing him and replacing him with a new face
creates opportunity. But finding the new face will not be easy. The pro?le must be
someone credible but not connected to the old regime. Getting someone to take this
position may be as dif?cult as identifying that person.

Building a new organization in the time required will require identifying party leaders,
getting them to commit to a program of training and politics during the summer period
and motivating them to work very hard during a phase when the likelihood for success
will not be very apparent to the uneducated participant.

Finally, cutting a deal with President Yushchenko (as the preferred partner) will most
likely be the most dif?cult task. But, the bene?t of such a deal guarantees that one day, in
. the not too distant future, we will govern Ukraine again.

In assessing the seemingly impossibility of accomplishing these objectives it is important
to realize that the seemingly impossible can come true if planned correctly, executed and

financed ef?ciently and promoted correctly.

To those who say this is too much of a long shot. i would simply refer them to Kyiv and
ask this simple question:

?One year ago today, who would have ever forecast that the President of Ukraine
would be Victor Yushchenko??

The impossible may seem like a dream, but dreams do come true!

Us

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